1942: Ireland (Eire)

The efforts of the De Valera government to preserve neutrality in a war that has engulfed practically every neutral nation in the world continued to be the chief issue before the Irish people in 1942. Although no further air attack occurred and the threat of a German invasion receded as the might of the United Nations rose during the year, Eire's neutral position was made peculiarly difficult during the early part of the year by the arrival, on Jan. 26, of tens of thousands of American troops — many of them of Irish descent — in Northern Ireland. Prior to the arrival of the American troops, the British government informally reopened the question of leasing Irish bases for the protection of Allied convoys. Arrangements were worked out for providing Eire with some of the arms and ammunition it so badly needed. Both the British and American governments hoped that the arrival of Americans in Northern Ireland would bring about a change in De Valera's policies. The Prime Minister had always been extremely friendly to the United States. He was born in America and has never surrendered his American citizenship. He had declared once that 'if there had been no United States, there would never have been an Irish Republic.' On another occasion he said that Ireland would go to any lengths to repay its debt to the United States.

All hope for a shift in Irish policy vanished, however, on the day following the landing of American troops. Prime Minister De Valera vigorously protested their arrival in a bitter statement in which he reiterated his contention that the six counties of Northern Ireland were integral parts of Eire. A protest was dispatched to Washington charging that the dispatch of troops constituted an 'aggression' against Irish sovereignty. While this view doubtless reflected the attitude of most of the Irish nationalists, it was not shared by all of the Irish people. Speaking before the annual convention of Cosgrave's opposition party on Feb. 10, James Dillon, deputy leader of the party declared that 'whoever attacks America is my enemy, without reservation or qualification, and I say that the United States has been treacherously and feloniously attacked by Germany, Italy, and Japan.' Many Irish citizens went out of their way to demonstrate their friendship to the American soldiers stationed on the other side of the Ulster border.

But the official policy of the De Valera government showed no sign of change during the year, and the revolutionary Irish Republican Army agitated constantly against the American soldiers. The most serious point of friction arose out of the fact that pro-Axis sympathizers among the Irish were known to be engaged in espionage activities for Germany and that the De Valera government refused to do anything to check these activities. It was a comparatively easy thing for these Axis agents to witness American maneuvers and troop movements in Northern Ireland, then to slip across the unguarded Eire-Ulster border and dispatch the information directly to Berlin in a German diplomatic pouch. It is probable that Germany was kept fully informed of the departure of American troops for North Africa although the Axis agents may not have obtained accurate information regarding their destination.

Prime Minister De Valera's position has undoubtedly been made more difficult by the irresponsible and illegal activities of the Irish Republican Army. In a Dail debate late in January, the Prime Minister admitted that the I.R.A. was anything but neutral in the war. There were, he said, two belligerent parties in the war, and 'this organization has declared war on one of them (Britain). Presumably this means that they are willing to help the other,' he concluded. The I.R.A. used Eire as a base for repeated attacks and bombing outrages in Northern Ireland. Efforts by the De Valera government to hold the I.R.A. in check were only partially successful. On June 19, Stephen Hayes, chief of staff of the I.R.A., was sentenced to five years in prison. But outrages continued. Speaking before the British House of Commons on Sept. 11, Paul V. Embrys Evans, Under-Secretary for the Dominions, declared that Great Britain had made no protest to the Eire government in connection with allegations that members of certain Irish elements, believed to be the Irish Republican Army, had been using Eire territory as a base of operations against Britain. He said that the Eire government 'clearly had its own difficulties.'

The most serious I.R.A. agitation during the year occurred in connection with the execution by Belfast authorities of Thomas J. Williams, 19, an I.R.A. member, for the murder of a policeman on Easter morning. Mass meetings were held throughout Eire to protest the execution, some of them drawing as many as 10,000 persons. Despite tremendous pressure, neither the Ulster government nor the British government intervened to save Williams' life, although the sentence of five of his companions was commuted.

Mr. De Valera's neutrality policy has unquestionably served to accentuate the serious economic dislocations which have occurred in Ireland as a result of the war. Because of shipping difficulties, lack of fuel, and the shortages of raw materials, trade with Europe has been cut off, while that with Britain, being in the nonessential category, has been greatly reduced. Irish industry has been stagnant. Unemployment has presented a serious and continuing problem. With wheat imports virtually cut off and the home grain crop cut down by the difficulty in obtaining fertilizer, bread supplies have been drastically reduced. White bread disappeared in 1941, and in February 1942 rationing was introduced for such bread as was available. Bread rationing was discontinued in June, however, when the government found it necessary to institute a drastic system of clothes rationing. Under the scheme adopted, each person, irrespective of age, receives fifty-two coupons a year. A suit requires forty coupons and a woman's full outfit, excluding shoes and hats, requires thirty coupons. To make matters worse, the scheme had been set up in such a way that the coupons for the second half of the year would not become valid until Oct. 1, thus virtually cutting off all major clothing purchases until the second half of the year. In protest against what was felt to be an unduly severe system, Dublin's drapers held an anti-rationing parade and one-day strike on Monday, June 15. As a result of pressure, Minister of Supplies Sean Lemass relaxed the terms of the original order, giving the public the right to use seventy-eight instead of fifty-two coupons and removing the time limit.

1941: Ireland (Eire)

Although Eire succeeded in avoiding direct involvement in the war which surged around it in 1941, its life was very largely dominated by the conflict. Throughout the first six months of the year there was constant anxiety lest the Germans attempt to seize Ireland as a base for an attack on England. Ireland suffered along with England from the German undersea campaign and the ensuing shortage of shipping. In fact, it probably suffered more because as a nonbelligerent it could not present as urgent a claim for shipping as if it were aiding the British defense effort.

Nor did Eire's neutrality save it altogether from the destructiveness of war. On at least four occasions during the year Irish territory suffered from Nazi bombs, and on one of these occasions the damage was severe. Attacks were made on the first two nights of the year — Jan. 1 and 2 — and on the night of Jan. 23, but these were comparatively light as compared to the devastating attack made on Dublin early in the morning of May 31. On this latter date at least four heavy-caliber bombs were dropped on the capital, killing thirty-five persons and wounding 120. Scores of homes were completely demolished or badly damaged on the North Side of the city. The first bomb landed in North Circular Road almost directly opposite the city's largest high school; the second landed a quarter of a mile away in the North Strand and did the heaviest damage. The third and fourth fell nearby. Investigations showed the bombs to be unquestionably of German origin. A strong protest was made to Berlin, and although the Reich did not formally admit its guilt it expressed regret at the bombing and offered to give compensation for the loss of life, injuries, and property damage. The attitude of the German Government on this occasion was in sharp contrast with that shown previously. After the attack of Jan. 2, the Irish protest was first met with an assertion that the planes must have been British. Later, however the Germans agreed to take responsibility, though not admitting the attack.

Apart from actual attacks, the war had a very far-reaching effect on Irish life. The shortage of certain kinds of foods required the setting up of a drastic rationing system. Ordinary white bread has become unobtainable. Automobiles have practically ceased to run because of the shortage of gasoline. Air raid shelters have been built in Dublin and other cities. Partial blackouts are enforced, as much for the purpose of conserving fuel as for protection. A strict censorship has been in force since the outbreak of the war.

The most severe effects of the conflict have undoubtedly been economic. Ireland, to a much larger extent than most countries, has been dependent on foreign trade, chiefly with England. While that trade has not been completely cut off, it has been drastically reduced because of the shortage of shipping. To make matters more serious, the efforts of the de Valera government to make Eire self-sufficient through the development of industry has been wrecked because of the country's inability to get raw materials, particularly coal. Speaking before the annual conference of Eire's industrial leaders on Feb. 18, Sean MaCentee, Minister of Industry and Commerce, summarized the situation when he reminded his hearers that a year ago he had said that Eire had scarcely felt the effects of the naval warfare around it.

'We can say that no longer,' he declared. 'We are now as tightly and as effectively blockaded as if we were actual belligerents ... if at the outset of the war we had had a merchant marine capable of and utilized for carrying all our deep sea and continental trade, we should have by this time lost much more than half our fleet.'

Efforts to counteract this situation by chartering American and other neutral vessels were only moderately successful. While Eire gained a respite, along with Britain, from the diminution of Nazi attacks in the summer and fall of 1941, its economic position remained exceedingly grave at the close of the year.

The possibility of Eire ceding bases for the use of Britain in the Battle of the Atlantic came up a number of times in the course of the year. In January there were reports that Britain would cede the six countries of Northern Ireland in exchange for naval bases. This report, however, proved erroneous. A month later reports from London, passed by the British censor, stated that the British Government was seeking the aid of the United States and Canada in an attempt to gain use of Irish ports. But if the United States did make such representation, it was never officially admitted. In July James Dillon, deputy leader of the Fine Gael party, urged in a debate in the Dail that bases be provided the United States and Great Britain. But his plea was repudiated by Willim T. Cosgrave, head of the Fine Gael, or opposition, party. The question never came to vote, but it is believed that almost the entire Dail would have opposed Mr. Dillon's suggestion. Informal polls carried out among the Irish population indicated overwhelming opposition to the proposal. A great majority of the Irish seemed to assume that once the ports were handed over Ireland would become a war area and would soon become directly involved in the war. This feeling was apparently not based on anti-British feeling, but on a fundamental desire to stay out of the war as long as possible. And this desire does not seem to rest so much on fear of the physical consequences of war as on a feeling that the outcome of the war will not be materially affected no matter how Eire may act. It is frequently pointed out that although Britain had control of the Irish ports in the First World War it was not able to control the submarine menace until the United States entered the war.

Eire's home defence program, spurred by the threat of invasion, imposed an unprecedented financial burden on the country. The budget for 1941-42, presented to the Dail Eireann on May 7 by Finance Minister Scan T. O'Kelly, called for expenditures in excess of £40,000,000. This was a tremendous bill for a country of 3,000,000 with little industry and which is suffering from a severe reduction in its usually profitable foreign trade. To meet it, the income tax was raised from 6s.6d. to the pound to 7s.6d. Death duties were increased 10 per cent, and the gasoline tax boosted from 10d a gallon to 15d. About £2,000,000 was added to the tobacco tax, and it was estimated borrowings would reach at least £4,000,000.

In the political field, the year was a quiet one. All parties were united with regard to the maintenance of Eire's neutrality in the war and this issue transcended all others in importance. The nearest to a political crisis to occur during the year concerned not Eire's but Britain's policy. A statement made by Prime Minister Churchill early in May to the effect that his government was considering the possibility of extending the draft to Northern Ireland provoked a violent outburst of indignation in Eire. A special session of the Dail Eireann was called for May 26 at which the leaders of all the political parties publicly registered their opposition to the proposal. Mr. De Valera's statement was restrained but firm. 'The Six Counties are a part of Ireland,' he declared. 'They have always been a part of Ireland. No Act of Parliament can alter this fact. In the Six Counties there are more than a third of the population who have vehemently protested against being cut off from the main body of the nation, who were so cut off against their will and against the will of the majority of the whole Irish people. It would be an outrage to compel them to fight in the forces of another country which has done them, and continues to do them, grievous wrong.'

Largely as a result of the protests in Eire, Prime Minister Churchill told that House of Commons on the following day, May 27, that the proposal to extend conscription to North Ireland would not be applied 'at the present time.'

Except for Mr. De Valera's speech on the conscription issue, less was said regarding partition than in any recent year. In fact, there is ample evidence that Eire's feelings toward Britain were much more friendly than at any time in recent years. Many Irishmen volunteered for the British army and the RAF and may be found serving the Crown on many battlefields.

1940: Ireland (Eire)

Eire maintained its neutrality in the European War throughout 1940, even though its action imposed a heavy burden on Great Britain. Several times there were reports that the island would be invaded by one or another of the belligerent powers.

During the first part of the year Prime Minister Eamon De Valera made use of the war situation to try to force Britain to grant his long-standing demands with regard to Northern Ireland. Predictions were freely made that the whole of Ireland would be under nationalist control by the end of the year. The Irish Republican Army, though officially outlawed, continued an active illegal campaign, both in Eire and in Northern Ireland, to annex Ulster by force while Britain was occupied in its war with Germany. In this it was vigorously opposed by De Valera. A general roundup of I.R.A. members was started in Eire early in January, but it was abandoned a week later because of doubt about the constitutionality of the emergency decree. The I.R.A. activities reached their peak at a demonstration in Dublin in commemoration of the 1916 Easter rebellion. Thousands participated in services for Peter Barnes and James Richards, I.R.A. members who had been executed in February 1940 for participating in a bombing in which five persons had been killed.

Internal dissension largely disappeared in late spring and early summer, when it became apparent that Ireland was in imminent danger of invasion. At the invitation of Prime Minister De Valera, the Fine Gael, the principal opposition party, and the Labor party agreed on May 28 to participate in weekly conferences on national defense with the Fianna Fail, the government party. It was the second time in recent Irish history that the government and opposition parties united on a policy of defense. It was agreed that the government would be represented by two members, the Fine Gael by three, and Labor by two at the weekly defense meetings.

On June 5, the government introduced an emergency defense bill in the Dail Eireann which placed Ireland on a war footing. The bill, which was rushed through the Dail in less than twenty-four hours, gave the Executive sweeping powers. These included the power to declare a state of emergency without delay, to take over all transport services for military purposes, and the right to billet troops with householders. It also provided the death penalty for treachery among other treasonable offenses. There was a rush of young and middle-aged men to join the defense forces. In some cities, including Cork, members of the old Irish Republican Army Association who fought in the war of independence joined up in a body.

At the end of June, Viscount Craigavon, Prime Minister of Northern Ireland, issued a statement in which he declared that he was prepared to enter into close cooperation with Prime Minister De Valera for the joint defense of Ireland. De Valera replied that this could be done only if Northern Ireland withdrew from the war and joined Eire in a policy of neutrality. Since this proposal was wholly unacceptable to Northern Ireland, Lord Craigavon announced on July 11 that the negotiations had broken down.

Eire's attitude toward the war came under fire again in November when Britain raised the question of a return of the naval bases on the south and west coasts of Ireland which it had surrendered to Eire in 1938. Winston Churchill, the British Prime Minister, indicated that without such bases it might become impossible to assure adequate protection to Ireland and protect the convoys which brought supplies both to England and Ireland. Addressing the Dail Eireann on November 7, Prime Minister De Valera bluntly rejected the suggestion, declaring that 'there can be no question of handing over these ports as long as this State remains neutral.' A few days later De Valera added that he would not give way on the question of bases, even if the partition of Ireland were ended. He based his uncompromising position on the assumption that a return of the bases, even temporarily, would be an unneutral act which might bring Ireland into the war. Some observers felt, however, that with the death of Lord Craigavon on November 24 some general settlement might be reached between North and South Ireland which would cause De Valera to change his mind with regard to the bases. Although the latter's position seemed to have popular support, it is significant that neither the Fine Gael under ex-Prime Minister William T. Cosgrave nor the Labor party under William Norton supported the government on this policy, although they supported it on general defense policies.

How real the threat of German invasion was during the year cannot be known. On several occasions there were reports that a threatened German invasion had been thwarted by the British. De Valera insisted throughout that there was no danger of a German invasion, implying that he feared only the British. On August 18 the German government offered to keep certain lanes open in the blockade for Irish ships. The offer was not accepted. Eight days later Ireland suffered its first air raid, when three Nazi bombers dropped about ten bombs on four towns in County Wexford. Three girls were killed in the wrecking of a creamery, and two other girls were injured. Four bombs fell in a cluster near a laborer's cottage, wrecking it. No other damage seems to have been done. After an investigation, the German government apologized for the attack which, it insisted, was the result of some of its aviators getting off their course.

In order to be prepared for any emergency the Eire government appointed on September 15 eight regional emergency commissioners who were to be prepared to take over and control existing administrative machinery in the event that certain parts of Eire become isolated as a result of an invasion. Where actual military operations were underway, these civil officers would naturally be subordinate to the military authorities. The eight regional heads, all experienced public servants, were as follows:

Cork and Kerry: D. J. Browne, solicitor, former secretary of the Dail Eireann's Ministry of Home Affairs and secretary of the Department of Justice.

Louth, Monaghan, and Cavan: John Ingram, chairman of the National College of Art and of the Research Grant Committee.

Mayo and Galway: Leon O'Broin, principal officer of the Department of Finance.

Dublin, Meath, Kildare, and Wicklow: John Collins, principal officer of the Department of Local Government and Public Health.

Waterford, Kilkenny, Carlow, and Wexford: D. Sullivan, principal officer of the Department of Industry and Commerce.

Donegal, Sligo, and Leitrim: Lebhras O'Muirthe, principal officer of the Department of Education and former secretary of the civil service commission.

Clare, Limerick, and Tipperary: W. F. Nally, assistant secretary of the Department of Lands.

Roscommon, Longford, Westmeath, Offaly, and Laoighis: E. Herlihy, commissioner of the Department of Lands.

In contrast to the situation in the last war, Irish economy has suffered acutely as a result of the present conflict. From 1914 to 1918, Irish farmers enjoyed unprecedented prosperity because of the high price of foodstuffs. During 1940 the prices of all foodstuffs were drastically regulated by the British Ministry of Food. Prices have been maintained at such low levels that the farmers have barely cleared the costs of production. Their plight has been aggravated by the fact that the price of feed for cattle, pigs, and poultry has risen substantially while meat prices have been held down. Farmers have greatly increased the amount of soil under cultivation, but so far at little profit for themselves.

Industry has fared somewhat better. While Southern Ireland has not shared Northern Ireland's boom of war industries with consequent full employment, it has maintained operations. At the outset of the conflict, it was feared that many industries would have to close down because of inability to obtain raw materials. This has not happened, owing to British cooperation, although the price of raw materials has mounted seriously. The motor-car assembly industry, one of Eire's major industries, has been badly hit by the restrictions on the use of gasoline which has practically eliminated motoring for pleasure. The tourist industry, on the other hand, has flourished. Thousands of visitors from Britain and Northern Ireland have vacationed in Eire to escape blackouts and war rationing.

The rise in the cost of living has affected all groups in Ireland, but especially industrial workers. Strikes occurred throughout the country during 1940, the most notable one being a three-week strike of municipal employees in Dublin. During the strike the capital was left virtually without fire-fighting, public health, or street cleaning services.

1939: Ireland (Eire)

The decision to remain aloof from the war between Great Britain and Germany overshadowed all other 1939 developments in Eire. Although sympathy for Poland as a Catholic country caused the Irish people to be far more pro-British than in 1914, the De Valera Government followed a policy of strict neutrality from the outbreak of the conflict. This policy received full approval in the Dail Erieann on Sept. 2. In a speech before the Senate before obtaining this approval, Premier De Valera declared that while the sympathies of Ireland were on the side of Britain, the partition of the Island was a stumbling block to any wholehearted cooperation.

Neutrality Issue.

Enforcement of neutrality presents many grave difficulties. Although neutral, Eire remains a part of the British Commonwealth of Nations. It is more dependent than ever on the continuation of its trade with Britain. This trade can be carried on only under the protection of the British fleet. Should German submarine warfare be intensified to the point where it threatens Britain's food supply, serious difficulties may easily arise between Eire and Germany regarding the continuation of trade between Ireland and England. Already Germany has indicated that it considers the cessation of trade between Ireland and the Reich an unneutral act. Eire also suffers in other ways because of its proximity to the war zone. An official protest was filed with the United States State Department on Nov. 13, 1930, against designating Irish waters as a 'combat zone' from which American ships are barred by the Neutrality Act. It was held that American ships had proceeded to Ireland regularly from the outbreak of the war until President Roosevelt's proclamation of the combat area, and that no incidents had occurred or seemed likely to occur. Despite this protest, the American ruling was maintained. Except for blackouts and the introduction of a rationing system for gasoline, everyday life in Ireland has not been directly affected by the war.

Bomb Outrages.

The partition question, which was the cause of such sharp conflict between Eire and Britain in 1938, continued as a disturbing influence through 1939. But circumstances caused the issue to be a factor for cooperation rather than hostility between the two countries. This rather paradoxical development was the result of terrorist campaigns by the Irish Republican Army. Beginning in January and continuing throughout the year, a series of bomb outrages occurred in London, Liverpool, Birmingham, Manchester and Belfast, which were blamed on the I. R. A. Most of the explosions did little damage, but a number of casualties occurred during the course of the year. Each of the three governments concerned — those of Great Britain, Northern Ireland, and Eire — took drastic action against terrorist activities.

Measures against Terrorist Activities.

Eire was first to act. On Feb. 8, two bills giving the Government extraordinary powers were introduced in the Dail. The first of these, called the Treason Act, prescribed the death penalty for persons guilty of treason as defined in Article XXXIX of the Irish Constitution. This penalty applies whether the act was committed within or outside the boundaries of the State. The second measure, called the Offenses against the State Act, made it possible for extremists to be interned without trial, and conferred elaborate powers of search, arrest, and detention upon the Civic Guards. It also declared seditious any suggestion in a newspaper or magazine that the elected Government of Ireland is not the lawful government. The I. R. A. was declared to be an illegal organization. The Senate approved the Offenses against the State Act on May 31, with the Labor Party alone dissenting, and it was put into effect after having been signed by President Douglas Hyde.

When the severe sentences handed out to those convicted of the early bomb outrages failed to prevent their recurrence, Great Britain also adopted emergency legislation to deal with the situation. With a view to stopping the wave of bombings, a special measure known as the Prevention of Violence Act, was passed by Parliament and given royal assent on July 28. Under this act, British subjects entering England from abroad who were suspected of being plotters were made subject to immediate deportation by the police without the necessity of trial. Within a few hours after the passage of the Act, suspects were being rounded up and deported. Scores of Irish fled to avoid deportation. Despite these precautions, the bombings continued through November in widely scattered parts of the country.

The Government of Northern Ireland proved somewhat more successful in stopping the outrages. Bolstered by the exceptional powers conferred in the Special Powers Act, Prime Minister Craigavon took drastic precautions against I. R. A. activities. The Constabulary was strengthened and the reserve enlarged in preparation for any emergency. Early in September the Ulster Government arrested forty members of the outlawed I. R. A. and placed them in concentration camps, where they were still being held at the end of the year.

The measures taken by the Eire Government to check I. R. A. extremists provoked a grave situation in November when four of the Republicans held in prison for political activities staged a hunger strike. The strikers were Patrick McGrath of Dublin, Richard McCarthy and John Lynch of Clonakilty, Cork, and Jeremiah Daly of Cork. Not since the death of Lord Mayor Terence MacSwiney of Cork in Brixton jail, London, in 1920, has there been a Republican death on a hunger strike. Although Premier De Valera declared before the Dail on Nov. 9 that the Government chose to let the men die rather than 'impair the safety of the State as a whole,' McGrath and Daly were released on Nov. 15, and McCarthy and Lynch were taken to a military hospital. On Dec. 1, Justice Gavan Duffy ordered the release of a Republican prisoner on the grounds that the Offenses against the State Act had been illegally applied. On the following day the Government released 54 untried prisoners whom it had been holding under the Act.

Abandonment of Conscription for Northern Ireland.

An open break between Eire and the United Kingdom was averted on May 4 when Prime Minister Chamberlain announced that the British Government's plan to extend the draft to young men of eligible age in Northern Ireland would be dropped. The preliminary announcement at the end of April that Northern Ireland would be included had aroused bitter opposition throughout Eire, as well as among Nationalist sympathizers in Northern Ireland, Speaking before the Dail on May 2, Premier De Valera declared that, while 'lawyers might argue that Britain has a right to do this since Northern Ireland is a part of the United Kingdom . . . we . . . regard (it) as an act of aggression.' The speed with which the British Government retreated from its position in the face of De Valera's opposition was regarded as a personal triumph for Eire's Premier. In taking its action, Britain seemed to be recognizing for the first time that Ireland was a unit and that the Eire Government had the right, on some issues at least, to speak for the entire Ireland. While it was doubtful whether Mr. Chamberlain meant to go as far as this in making his momentous concession, there can be no question that De Valera's hand was greatly strengthened. And whatever may be the long-run effects of the concession, the immediate effect was to strengthen cordial relations between the British and Irish Governments. The action undoubtedly had much to do with securing a benevolent neutrality rather than open enmity in the war that broke out less than four months later.

Mayor of Dublin.

In the only political change of importance in 1939, Mrs. Tom Clarke was chosen to be Lord Mayor of Dublin by one vote over Alderman Paedar Doyle on June 27. Mrs. Clarke, widow of the initial signatory of the 1916 'Proclamation of the Republic,' is the first woman to hold the position. Her election gave Mr. De Valera's party, the Fianna Fail, control of this important post for the first time. Her predecessor, Alderman Alfred Byrne, had hold the position for nine years. It was Mr. Byrne's vote which broke the tie and gave the victory to Mrs. Clarke. On assuming office Mrs. Clarke refused to wear the traditional robes which she characterized as 'red rags from the British period, as is the charter of Dublin.'

Defense Measures.

The Cabinet was shaken up on Sept. 15, in connection with the declaration of a state of emergency to meet conditions arising as a result of the war. Premier De Valera entrusted the coordination of the civil and military defenses of the State to Frank Aiken, former Minister of Defense. As Minister of Army Defense, the Premier named Oscar Traynor, previously Minister of Posts and Telegraphs. Sean F. Lemass, former head of the Department of Industry and Commerce, was designated Minister of Supplies. Deputy Premier Sean O'Kelly was transferred from the Ministry of Local Government to the Ministry of Finance, and Sean MacEntee from the Ministry of Finance to the post of Minister of Industry and Commerce. Patrick Ruttledge was shifted from the Ministry of Justice to Local Government, and Gerald Roland, previously Minister of Lands, was made Minister of Justice. Almost simultaneously, orders were issued establishing censorship of the press and creating an auxiliary police force.

The year saw a marked increase in expenditures for defense. Reporting before the Dail on Feb. 15, Defense Minister Frank Aiken disclosed that £5,500,000 would be spent on the purchase of war materials, the home production of ammunition, and the building of airfields. The regular army was raised from 7,000 to 8,000 men, to which are added 5,000 reserves and 17,000 volunteers. The annual budget outlay for the army was raised to £2,250,000. Compulsory air raid precautions were also announced. The £5,500,000 defense program was passed by the Dail on Feb. 16 by a vote of 62 to 39 despite vigorous opposition from both the Cosgrave and Labor parties. As part of this program $10,000,000 worth of munitions were ordered in the United States.

Tax Increases.

Partly as a result of the defense program a considerable increase in taxes was imposed in the 1939-40 budget. The income tax was raised one shilling on the pound (5 per cent), making it 5s. 6d. to the pound. Surtaxes and special taxes on high incomes were also raised, as was the duty on tobacco. The budget, as introduced into the Dail on May 10, totalled £32,522,000 and had an estimated surplus of £11,000. Increased expenses and reduced revenues resulting from the war soon upset these rather optimistic budget estimates, with the result that a supplementary budget was introduced on Nov. 8. The supplementary budget increased the income tax another shilling to the pound, making the rate 6s. 6d. to the pound. Surtaxes and estate duties were further increased, and heavy additional taxes were levied on beer and whiskey. By dint of these new taxes, estimated by the new Finance Minister Sean O'Kelly to yield £603,000 and by £400,000 saved in economies, the Government hopes to make up the better part of an expected deficit of £1,620,000. The remainder will be carried over to the 1940-1941 fiscal year.

Irish Pavilion at New York World's Fair.

As a result of the critical situation arising from the I. R. A. bombings and the European war, Premier De Valera was compelled twice to postpone his projected visit to the United States. The Premier, who had been scheduled to open the Irish pavilion at the New York World's Fair on May 13, first announced cancellation of the visit on April 27. It was announced at the time of the appointment of Sean O'Kelly as Deputy Premier, that De Valera would make the trip in October. Arrangements were made for a Sept. 21 sailing. On Sept. 8 a second cancellation was announced as a result of the European War. His place was taken by Deputy Premier O'Kelly who arrived in New York City on the day of the dedication of the pavilion.

Extension of Gaelic.

Illustrative of one of the long campaigns to return its old Gaelic culture to Ireland is the announcement in mid-summer that the proportion of Irish-speaking persons in Eire had increased from 19.3 per cent in the census of 1926 to 23 per cent in the census of 1936. The increase was greatest among children under 15 years of age and reflected the policy of compulsory teaching of Irish in the schools. Credit for the revival of Gaelic is given chiefly to President Hyde, a noted Gaelic scholar.

1938: Ireland (Eire)

The first year of the new state of Ireland (Eire) was a typically tumultuous one for the island, being marked by the setting up of the government under the new constitution, a treaty marking the end of the protracted trade war with England, the selection of a new President, a general election, and a violent dispute with Ulster over the long-smoldering partition issue.

Relations with Great Britain.

Prime Minister Eamon De Valera went to London on Jan. 15, 1938, to open negotiations with the British Cabinet for a settlement of the outstanding issues between the two countries. After several days of discussion the conference struck a snag in De Valera's uncompromising demand for union between Northern Ireland and the former Free State. Tension was increased by the action of Viscount Craigavon, Prime Minister of Northern Ireland, in calling a quick general election to demonstrate Ulster's opposition to De Valera's demands. Finally, after a further delay occasioned by the British ministerial crisis following the resignation of Anthony Eden, the Irish leader agreed to withhold his demands for a united Ireland temporarily in order to obtain an agreement on other points.

The outcome was a new treaty of peace and friendship and trade agreement, signed at London on April 25, 1938, between Ireland and the United Kingdom. The treaty provided for a lump sum payment by Ireland of £10,000,000 to the British Government as a final settlement for the land annuities and other British claims against Ireland. Ireland also pledged itself to resume payments of £250,000 a year under the agreement of Dec. 3, 1925. In return, Great Britain assented to the final surrender of its treaty rights over the Irish ports of Cobh (Queenstown), Bere Haven, and Lough Swilly. Both countries agreed to drop the six-year trade war which had wrought such serious damage to Ireland's economy. Britain granted Ireland the preferential position it would have held under the Ottawa agreements of 1932 if the trade dispute had not broken out in that year. Ireland abolished the retaliatory tariffs it had imposed following the 1932 break. Provision was made for consultation in the event either country found it necessary to impose further trade restrictions. While Ireland made no definite commitments on defense, it was generally understood that it would take immediate steps for strengthening its defenses by the development of an Irish navy and that these steps would be taken in cooperation with Great Britain. Restoration of friendship with Ireland was generally regarded as indispensable to Britain's defense.

Despite opposition from Irish industrial interests, the Dail Eireann ratified the treaty on April 29 with but one negative vote. The treaty was approved by the British House of Lords and given the King's assent on May 17. The Cork Harbor forts and Spike Island, one of the strongest fortified areas in Southern Ireland, were officially taken over from the British on July 11. The new trade agreement granting Ireland preferential status came into effect on Dec. 31, 1938. (See also GREAT BRITAIN.)

Presidential Election.

The position of President of Eire, which many persons believed De Valera had created in his new Constitution with a view to filling it himself, was raised above partisan strife on April 21 when De Valera and William T. Cosgrave, leader of the Fine Gael opposition, agreed to nominate Professor Douglas Hyde, who, at 78 years of age, was generally recognized as the country's most distinguished living Gaelic scholar. The fact that Professor Hyde is a Protestant and has not been connected actively with nationalist political affairs was widely interpreted as a bid for Ulster sympathies. Dr. Hyde was elected President without opposition on May 4, and was inaugurated with appropriate ceremonies on June 25.

To the astonishment of almost everyone, including many of the leaders of his own party, De Valera took advantage of the favorable situation created by the Anglo-Irish treaty and the election of a new President to ask for a dissolution of the Dail on May 28. The new general election, Ireland's second within ten months, was set for June 17.

General Election.

Despite pessimistic forecasts from most political observers, De Valera scored the most notable popular political triumph in his career at these hastily summoned elections. Final returns gave De Valera's Fianna Fail party 77 seats in the Dail. William T. Cosgrave's Fine Gael party obtained 45 seats; Labor 9; and Independents 7. This gave De Valera a majority of 16 over all other parties, by far the largest he had obtained in any election since assuming office in 1932. The Fianna Fail made a net gain of ten seats over its position in the previous Dail, while both the Fine Gael and Labor were heavy losers. In the previous Dail, De Valera had been able to rule only with the support of the Labor party, under the leadership of William Norton, but in the election campaign the Labor party had come out openly in opposition to the Prime Minister, with disastrous results to its own representation.

At the opening session of the Dail on June 30, De Valera was reelected Prime Minister by a vote of 75 to 45 after a three-hour debate. The Fine Gael voted solidly against De Valera, while the Labor party and most of the Independents abstained from voting. Francis Fahy, who has been Speaker since Fianna Fail first came to power, was reelected without opposition. Following his official appointment to office for the new term by President Hyde, De Valera announced that his Cabinet would remain unchanged. In addition to the position of Prime Minister, De Valera retained his portfolio as Minister of External Affairs. Sean O'Kelly was renamed as Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Local Government, while Sean Mc-Entee was reappointed Minister of Finance.

Attempts at Unification of All Ireland.

The series of striking political triumphs achieved during the first half of the year by Prime Minister De Valera did not cause him to yield an inch in his determination to unify Ireland. In a formal address delivered at the inauguration of President Hyde, De Valera expressed confidence that the 78-year-old President would live to see the union of all Ireland under his rule. Three months later De Valera took advantage of the Czechoslovakian crisis to revive the demand for 'self-determination' for the Catholic portions of Ulster. A group of Ulster Catholics even went so far as to appeal to Chancellor Hitler for 'aid in their campaign for union of Ireland.' There is no evidence, however, that the German Government seriously considered such action.

Seizing the opportunity afforded by the 'settlement' of the Sudeten German minority problem as a result of intervention by Prime Minister Chamberlain, De Valera appealed on Oct. 6 for a plebiscite in certain areas of the six counties of Northern Ireland. Nationalist members of the North Ireland Parliament had met at Armagh on Sept. 30 and asked the Government to 'press a just claim on Britain for immediate liberation of Northern Ireland, and the application here of those principles of peace, justice, and democracy professed so loudly elsewhere.' Unwilling to press the British Government to the point of anger, De Valera chose to utilize modern methods of propaganda rather than threats of force to gain his end. He circulated quietly throughout the world a 40-page report of an inquiry into the 'legal dictatorship' of Craigavon as made by the National Council for Civil Liberties, an English organization. Special appeals were made to Irish in the United States to join in the drive for liberation of the six 'captive' counties, an appeal which was taken up by the American-Irish organizations.

De Valera did not ask for direct annexation of the Protestant sections of Ulster. He suggested rather that a 'Council for Ireland,' as foreshadowed in the Act of 1920, be established which would be composed of the members of the two present Irish parliaments. This Council would deal with the common legislative problems, but each parliament would continue to legislate for its own area. Speaking before the Fianna Fail party on Nov. 25, De Valera said that he was well aware of the fact that Belfast has 100,000 unemployed and that union might create a serious economic problem for the South. He expressed confidence, however, that neither the South nor the North would suffer permanently from a reunion of the two Irelands.

Each new demand for 'unity' was firmly rejected by Viscount Craigavon, Prime Minister of Northern Ireland, who declared on Oct. 26 that 'we have learned in Northern Ireland to place no value whatever on Mr. De Valera's promises or even his guarantees.' He was particularly bitter in his denunciation of De Valera's proposal for an All-Ireland Council in which, he declared, the Northern Ireland representatives would be completely swamped by representatives from the South.

In the closing weeks of the year a number of disturbances occurred in Northern Ireland and along the border between the two countries which greatly exacerbated feelings between the rival political camps. One of the most serious of these occurred on Nov. 30 when two young men, allegedly members of the Irish Republican Army, were killed on the Eire border immediately preceding a series of explosions which wrecked six customhouses belonging to the Government of Northern Ireland. Three weeks later, on Dec. 22, Ulster police arrested 34 men, said to be members of the Irish Republican Army, charged with plotting to assassinate Prime Minister Craigavon and preparing to stage a series of uprisings during the holiday season. The precise significance of the reappearance of Irish Republican Army activity after months of inactivity was difficult to evaluate. It suggested, however, that extremist elements were becoming impatient with De Valera's gradualist tactics and were threatening to complicate the situation by renewed outbursts of violence.

Financial Situation.

In the financial and economic field, Ireland had a relatively good year in 1938. As a result of the Anglo-Irish treaty, exports were substantially higher during the last half of the year than in the same period of 1937. This was a considerable aid to agriculture, long depressed as a result of the trade war with Britain. Imports were lower during most of the year, but drew abreast of 1937 figures during the closing months of the year. Living costs were slightly higher, presumably because of the increased outlet for agricultural exports. Despite provision for the importation of additional British manufactured goods, De Valera continued his plans for subsidized industrial development to increase the degree of Ireland's self-sufficiency. However, the primary impetus for such plans disappeared with the signing of the treaty with the United Kingdom, and it is doubtful whether the program will be pushed with its former vigor.

The 1938 budget, introduced in the Dail on May 13 by Sean McEntee, Minister of Finance, provided for no new taxes, but allotted an extra £600,000 for national defense out of estimated revenues of £31,505,000. The total expenditures for the forthcoming year were set at £31,500,000, leaving an estimated surplus of only £4,010. The 1937-38 revenue was £31,208,583, or £296,417 less than the new estimate. Expenditures were £32,052,541, leaving a deficit of £843,958.

At the close of December it was announced that Prime Minister De Valera would pay an official visit to President Roosevelt on May 7, 1939. He is scheduled to open the Irish exhibit at the New York World's Fair on May 10.