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Showing posts with label Thailand (Siam). Show all posts
Showing posts with label Thailand (Siam). Show all posts

1940: Thailand (Siam)

During the year 1940 there were no political or other changes of any particular significance in the internal affairs of Thailand, but the turn of events in Europe in the early summer, which had repercussions throughout the entire Far East, brought about strained relations between Thailand and the French colonial possession of Indo-China, which threatened, in the last months of the year, to develop into war.

Early in the spring, in pursuance of her policy of maintaining friendly relations with the Western powers and with Japan, negotiations for mutual non-aggression pacts were begun by Thailand with Great Britain, France and Japan. On June 12 both Britain and France signed such pacts with Thailand. Japan, however, preferred to make what she called a treaty of 'mutual respect and amity.' This treaty, which affirmed the friendly relations existing between the two countries, provided for respect by both parties of each other's territories, the maintenance of contact and exchange of information on matters of mutual respect, and a pledge that if either power were attacked, neither would assist the attackers. The full provisions of the treaty have never been made public. While its terms were agreed upon in June it was not actually signed until Dec. 6. It covers a period of five years, and is generally believed by competent observers to strengthen Japan's position in Southeastern Asia, while assuring Thailand that Japan will not support Indo-China in any difficulties that might arise between the two countries. Disputes over boundaries had already arisen and Thailand was expected to use every effort to have these differences settled to her advantage.

After the defeat of France and the signing of the Franco-German Armistice, Thailand began massing troops on the French Indo-China border, and opened negotiations with France for the return of territory which she claimed belonged to her, since it had been forcibly taken away by France in 1907.

On Sept. 14, Premier Luang Pibul Songgram announced that memoranda had been handed simultaneously to the French Minister at Bangkok and to the French Government at Vichy, asking for the return of certain provinces in the territory of Laos, northeast of Thailand, and in Cambodia to the southeast. The Premier, in a public statement, said Thailand was only asking for the return of what rightly belonged to her. After General Decoux at Hanoi, speaking for the Vichy Government, refused to consider these demands, Thailand notified France that the non-aggression pact signed by the two countries in June was no longer in effect. Immediately afterward a single Siamese plane machine-gunned an Indo-Chinese constabulary post at Hanoi. This was the beginning of a series of 'incidents' in which both sides claimed the other was the aggressor.

Early in October the French authorities at Hanoi announced that Thailand had accepted, in principle, proposals to establish a joint commission to negotiate a settlement of frontier incidents, which had grown to alarming proportions. Later, these same authorities warned Thailand that they had been instructed by the Vichy Government to resist any attempt by Thailand to violate the Cambodia or Laos borders. Later in the month the Vichy Government formally rejected Thailand's territorial demands, but announced that it would agree to arbitrate demands for certain islands in the Mekong River, as well as navigation rights on the river along the border.

Meanwhile, the American Minister at Bangkok reminded the Thai Government of the announcement of the United States, made as far back as 1937, that it would insist on the maintenance of the status quo in the Far East.

All through October, November and December, there were innumerable clashes between Thai and Indo-Chinese forces all along the borders of the Mekong River, while inflammatory articles in Bangkok's leading newspaper, the Thai Rashdra Daily News, clamored for a return of the territories in question. This paper declared on Oct. 16, that 'the patience of the people is exhausted . . . if nothing can be achieved peacefully, then an immediate declaration of war is necessary.' The Premier, a few days later, stated that while he hoped to obtain satisfaction without resort to war, 'if force is inevitable, war will be waged with a minimum loss of blood.' The cry for the immediate return of the territories was echoed in street demonstration, youth movement rallies and meetings of farmers and laborers.

Late in November the circulation of a report that Thailand was negotiating with Great Britain and the United States for an outright military alliance brought a sharp warning from the Government-inspired press of Japan, that 'if Thailand concludes an alliance with Great Britain and the United States it will become an enemy of Japan.' Both the Thailand Government and the Department of State at Washington issued denials that any such alliance was being contemplated.

The border fighting became more extensive and more serious through November and the first week in December. On Dec. 12 a communiqué issued at Bangkok asserted that the High Command was willing to withhold further attacks if the French would do the same. The communiqué also stated that Thailand would be willing to define the border in accordance with international practice if France would do likewise. There was a cessation of hostilities for two weeks, but by Dec. 20 heavy fighting was again in full progress on three sectors of the northeast and southeast frontiers. Alarmed at its proportions and seriousness, the Vichy Government announced on Dec. 27 that plans were being made to send a delegation to Bangkok to reach a settlement of the border warfare. At the end of the year no agreement had been reached and sporadic fighting continued all along the border. See also JAPAN.

1939: Thailand (Siam)

Early in 1939 Siam witnessed an unsuccessful attempt to restore the former King Prajadhipok. A number of officers who took part in the plot were 'retired' without pension, one of them was shot by the police, and one committed suicide. By Jan. 30, the matter was considered closed. The object of the attempt was to overthrow the new Premier, Luang Pibul Songgram, who was unpopular with many Siamese owing to the belief that he intended to make himself dictator during the minority of the young King Ananda. Three attempts have been made on Luang Pibul's life recently, the last one on Dec. 3, 1938. The Premier, who took office late in December 1938, is one of the young men who planned the revolution of 1932, which established a constitutional regime, and is a member of the revolutionary group now in control. Many members of this group are unpopular and there seems little doubt that if the country at large had its way, few of them would stay in office. There was much friction between this governing revolutionary group and the People's Assembly, which since its inauguration has shown surprising independence, having demanded the right to organize political parties as well as freedom of the press, both of which measures the Government has so far successfully defeated. In 1943, according to the Constitution, decision must be made as to whether the People's Assembly shall be entirely elective, or whether the revolutionary government faction shall be maintained. By that time it is feared Luang will have made himself dictator.

On June 5, 1939, by Government order, the name of Siam was changed to Thailand. Thai was the ancient name of the Siamese people and meant the 'free.'

Apprehensions in China that some sort of 'mutual support' agreement between Thailand and Japan had been reached were strengthened in August when Siamese school books, sent to Chinese officials, showed 'Greater Thailand' as taking in China's Southwest Provinces as far as Szechuan. This territory was once part of ancient Thailand. Despite denials by Bangkok, these fears were not allayed.

Undoubtedly both France and Great Britain have also been dismayed over reports that Thailand was being drawn into the Japanese orbit. France feared that Thailand might launch a land attack on Indo-China, while Japan attacked it by sea, thus giving Thailand the opportunity to get back ancient territory. Britain was afraid because of the possibility, somewhat remote, that a canal might be built through the Malay Peninsula at Kra, and also because of a possible land attack on Burma and the Northern Malay States. It is to be remembered, however, that while very friendly relations exist between Japan and Thailand, the latter's economic system is closely integrated with that of Great Britain. Furthermore, a very powerful factor militating against an outright alliance between Japan and Thailand is that the financial life of the latter is completely in the hands of the Chinese, who number more than 5,000,000, or a little less than one-fourth of the population. Rice, the chief export, and the rice industry are entirely in the hands of the Chinese; and the same is true of the tin and rubber industries, her second and third largest exports, respectively. Small retail business, as well as the trades and crafts, is also overwhelmingly dominated by Chinese.

Tension, which had developed between China and Thailand early in 1939 over reports that Siam was about to take drastic measures against the Chinese living in the country, was eased in December when in an answer to an inquiry from the Chinese Government, the Premier of Thailand telegraphed to Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek that his country would agree 'to accord adequate protection to the lives and property of Chinese, and guarantee to Chinese the right to engage in local pursuits throughout the nation.'