1940: Ireland (Eire)

Eire maintained its neutrality in the European War throughout 1940, even though its action imposed a heavy burden on Great Britain. Several times there were reports that the island would be invaded by one or another of the belligerent powers.

During the first part of the year Prime Minister Eamon De Valera made use of the war situation to try to force Britain to grant his long-standing demands with regard to Northern Ireland. Predictions were freely made that the whole of Ireland would be under nationalist control by the end of the year. The Irish Republican Army, though officially outlawed, continued an active illegal campaign, both in Eire and in Northern Ireland, to annex Ulster by force while Britain was occupied in its war with Germany. In this it was vigorously opposed by De Valera. A general roundup of I.R.A. members was started in Eire early in January, but it was abandoned a week later because of doubt about the constitutionality of the emergency decree. The I.R.A. activities reached their peak at a demonstration in Dublin in commemoration of the 1916 Easter rebellion. Thousands participated in services for Peter Barnes and James Richards, I.R.A. members who had been executed in February 1940 for participating in a bombing in which five persons had been killed.

Internal dissension largely disappeared in late spring and early summer, when it became apparent that Ireland was in imminent danger of invasion. At the invitation of Prime Minister De Valera, the Fine Gael, the principal opposition party, and the Labor party agreed on May 28 to participate in weekly conferences on national defense with the Fianna Fail, the government party. It was the second time in recent Irish history that the government and opposition parties united on a policy of defense. It was agreed that the government would be represented by two members, the Fine Gael by three, and Labor by two at the weekly defense meetings.

On June 5, the government introduced an emergency defense bill in the Dail Eireann which placed Ireland on a war footing. The bill, which was rushed through the Dail in less than twenty-four hours, gave the Executive sweeping powers. These included the power to declare a state of emergency without delay, to take over all transport services for military purposes, and the right to billet troops with householders. It also provided the death penalty for treachery among other treasonable offenses. There was a rush of young and middle-aged men to join the defense forces. In some cities, including Cork, members of the old Irish Republican Army Association who fought in the war of independence joined up in a body.

At the end of June, Viscount Craigavon, Prime Minister of Northern Ireland, issued a statement in which he declared that he was prepared to enter into close cooperation with Prime Minister De Valera for the joint defense of Ireland. De Valera replied that this could be done only if Northern Ireland withdrew from the war and joined Eire in a policy of neutrality. Since this proposal was wholly unacceptable to Northern Ireland, Lord Craigavon announced on July 11 that the negotiations had broken down.

Eire's attitude toward the war came under fire again in November when Britain raised the question of a return of the naval bases on the south and west coasts of Ireland which it had surrendered to Eire in 1938. Winston Churchill, the British Prime Minister, indicated that without such bases it might become impossible to assure adequate protection to Ireland and protect the convoys which brought supplies both to England and Ireland. Addressing the Dail Eireann on November 7, Prime Minister De Valera bluntly rejected the suggestion, declaring that 'there can be no question of handing over these ports as long as this State remains neutral.' A few days later De Valera added that he would not give way on the question of bases, even if the partition of Ireland were ended. He based his uncompromising position on the assumption that a return of the bases, even temporarily, would be an unneutral act which might bring Ireland into the war. Some observers felt, however, that with the death of Lord Craigavon on November 24 some general settlement might be reached between North and South Ireland which would cause De Valera to change his mind with regard to the bases. Although the latter's position seemed to have popular support, it is significant that neither the Fine Gael under ex-Prime Minister William T. Cosgrave nor the Labor party under William Norton supported the government on this policy, although they supported it on general defense policies.

How real the threat of German invasion was during the year cannot be known. On several occasions there were reports that a threatened German invasion had been thwarted by the British. De Valera insisted throughout that there was no danger of a German invasion, implying that he feared only the British. On August 18 the German government offered to keep certain lanes open in the blockade for Irish ships. The offer was not accepted. Eight days later Ireland suffered its first air raid, when three Nazi bombers dropped about ten bombs on four towns in County Wexford. Three girls were killed in the wrecking of a creamery, and two other girls were injured. Four bombs fell in a cluster near a laborer's cottage, wrecking it. No other damage seems to have been done. After an investigation, the German government apologized for the attack which, it insisted, was the result of some of its aviators getting off their course.

In order to be prepared for any emergency the Eire government appointed on September 15 eight regional emergency commissioners who were to be prepared to take over and control existing administrative machinery in the event that certain parts of Eire become isolated as a result of an invasion. Where actual military operations were underway, these civil officers would naturally be subordinate to the military authorities. The eight regional heads, all experienced public servants, were as follows:

Cork and Kerry: D. J. Browne, solicitor, former secretary of the Dail Eireann's Ministry of Home Affairs and secretary of the Department of Justice.

Louth, Monaghan, and Cavan: John Ingram, chairman of the National College of Art and of the Research Grant Committee.

Mayo and Galway: Leon O'Broin, principal officer of the Department of Finance.

Dublin, Meath, Kildare, and Wicklow: John Collins, principal officer of the Department of Local Government and Public Health.

Waterford, Kilkenny, Carlow, and Wexford: D. Sullivan, principal officer of the Department of Industry and Commerce.

Donegal, Sligo, and Leitrim: Lebhras O'Muirthe, principal officer of the Department of Education and former secretary of the civil service commission.

Clare, Limerick, and Tipperary: W. F. Nally, assistant secretary of the Department of Lands.

Roscommon, Longford, Westmeath, Offaly, and Laoighis: E. Herlihy, commissioner of the Department of Lands.

In contrast to the situation in the last war, Irish economy has suffered acutely as a result of the present conflict. From 1914 to 1918, Irish farmers enjoyed unprecedented prosperity because of the high price of foodstuffs. During 1940 the prices of all foodstuffs were drastically regulated by the British Ministry of Food. Prices have been maintained at such low levels that the farmers have barely cleared the costs of production. Their plight has been aggravated by the fact that the price of feed for cattle, pigs, and poultry has risen substantially while meat prices have been held down. Farmers have greatly increased the amount of soil under cultivation, but so far at little profit for themselves.

Industry has fared somewhat better. While Southern Ireland has not shared Northern Ireland's boom of war industries with consequent full employment, it has maintained operations. At the outset of the conflict, it was feared that many industries would have to close down because of inability to obtain raw materials. This has not happened, owing to British cooperation, although the price of raw materials has mounted seriously. The motor-car assembly industry, one of Eire's major industries, has been badly hit by the restrictions on the use of gasoline which has practically eliminated motoring for pleasure. The tourist industry, on the other hand, has flourished. Thousands of visitors from Britain and Northern Ireland have vacationed in Eire to escape blackouts and war rationing.

The rise in the cost of living has affected all groups in Ireland, but especially industrial workers. Strikes occurred throughout the country during 1940, the most notable one being a three-week strike of municipal employees in Dublin. During the strike the capital was left virtually without fire-fighting, public health, or street cleaning services.