1942: Democratic Party

The Democratic party, rounding out a decade of political supremacy in 1942, continued in control of the presidency, the Congress, and the greater number of the state governments. In the Second Session of the Seventy-seventh Congress, the party dominated both houses by decisive majorities. Up to the time of the November elections, Democrats in the House of Representatives numbered 259, as compared with 166 Republicans, 2 Progressives, and one member each from the Farmer-Labor and American Labor parties. Sam Rayburn of Texas and John W. McCormack of Massachusetts, both Democrats, filled the offices of Speaker and Majority Leader respectively. In the Senate, the party's numerical advantage was even more impressive, its 65 seats assuring it of a clear two-thirds majority. A Progressive, an Independent, and 29 Republicans completed the roster of the upper house. The veteran Carter Glass of Virginia was chosen as president pro tem. Among the states, Democrats held 28 of the 48 governorships. Despite recurrent rumors of impending resignation, Edward J. Flynn continued as chairman of the National Committee throughout the year. The party reported receipts of $170,145.92 and expenditures of $232,088.68 during 1941.

While the Democrats were firmly seated in power as the year opened, the prospect was uncertain. Public support had rallied to the President in impressive fashion following the Pearl Harbor attack, and promises of loyal cooperation were quickly forthcoming from spokesmen representing every shade of political opinion. This expression of national unity of purpose did not mean, however, that the American people had abdicated their traditional right to criticize government policies or that the party system had been shelved for the duration. In striking contrast to the great majority of the war-ridden populations of the world, United States citizens remained in full and free possession of the ballot. Since the war effort overshadowed all other public concerns, a continuation of previous Democratic successes in the coming fall elections was certain to depend to a considerable degree upon the electorate's reaction to military developments abroad and to the measures adopted by the Administration for mobilizing material and manpower resources at home.

An early indication of the quickening of party activities appeared in New York City when 71-year-old Christopher D. Sullivan was ousted from the leadership of Tammany Hall by a revolt of district leaders on Feb. 6, 1942, after a tenure of only two and a half years. Several weeks of maneuvering ensued, during which the principal aspirants angled for White House support. Finally, on April 14, Representative Michael J. Kennedy, leader of the Fifteenth Congressional District and a vigorous critic of the Sullivan regime, was chosen to head the New York County organization.

New York State Convention Fight.

The midsummer months were highlighted by a contest which developed unexpectedly in New York between President Roosevelt and State Chairman James A. Farley over the naming of the party's candidate for governor. While ostensibly the question involved was simply a matter of selecting the strongest possible entry for the approaching gubernatorial race, there were unmistakable signs that the struggle had larger implications directly linked with the control of the national party convention in 1944. The events leading up to the conflict were set in motion by Governor Lehman's announcement early in May that he would not be a candidate to succeed himself. Upstate support thereupon developed rapidly, under Farley's generalship, in favor of Attorney General John J. Bennett, Jr. For more than two months the President avoided any definite statement on Bennett's candidacy. Both Farley and National Chairman Edward J. Flynn, who conferred individually with Roosevelt in June, appear to have gained the impression that the Chief Executive would abide by the convention's choice of a nominee. By the end of the month, however, New Deal leaders from the Empire State were voicing opposition to Bennett on the ground that he would be unable to hold the Labor Party vote which had proved the decisive factor in Lehman's victory in 1938. As July advanced without a definite statement from the President, uncertainty and tension increased. Farley, aware that a movement to draft Senator James M. Mead was afoot, consolidated his forces and lashed out at the leaders of the New Deal wing of the party. On July 22 rumor became fact when Mead announced his candidacy and received the endorsement of the President, Senator Wagner, and, eventually, Governor Lehman. On Aug. 19 the convention opened in Brooklyn. When, on the following day, Farley rejected Lehman's plea for a compromise candidate, advanced on Roosevelt's behalf, the fight for Mead was carried to the convention floor. Flynn and Kennedy stood by the Administration, but the all-important Queens and Brooklyn delegations refused to bolt the Farley camp and Bennett was nominated by a vote of 623 to 393. Although the party leaders went through the motions of restoring harmony and the White House subsequently issued a mild declaration in favor of Bennett, the damage caused by the conflict was irreparable as far as the fall campaign was concerned. When the Labor Party proceeded to name its own candidate, Dean Alfange, a Republican victory was assured. On Nov. 3, Dewey defeated Bennett by a plurality of 647,628, while the Labor Party polled 403,555 votes for Dean Alfange.

The Elections.

Apart from the nomination fight in New York, the campaign was generally lacking in color and excitement. The balloting on Nov. 3, however, resulted in the sharpest Democratic setback in fourteen years. While the Administration retained control of both branches of Congress, the Republicans gained 9 seats in the Senate and 44 in the House, thereby reducing the Democratic margin, apart from Progressive and Labor votes, to 19 and 13 respectively. This meant that anti-New Deal Democrats and Republicans would have a clear majority on many domestic issues in the new Congress. Of the 32 governorships at stake, the Democrats captured 13, the Republicans 18, and the Progressives one. New York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Michigan, and California were numbered among the states in the Republican column. The total popular vote for Congress was nearly 22,000,000 under that of 1940 and approximately 7,500,000 under that of 1938. Of this striking decrease, the Democrats bore by far the heavier share. Their vote was about 14,000,000 less than in 1940, and some 4,500,000 less than in 1938, while the Republicans were able to hold their loss to about 8,000,000 as compared with 1940, and to 3,000,000 as compared with 1938. For the first time since 1928, the Republicans polled a majority of the votes cast (50.6).

The extent of the Democratic reverse was greater than had been generally predicted and was unquestionably a surprise to the party leaders. Numerous interpretations were offered by both sides. The more thoughtful commentators were inclined to the opinion that far too many factors were involved to warrant any simple explanation of the vote. In all probability, impatience over the delay in assuming the military offensive, irritation at rationing and price-stabilization policies, and dissatisfaction with the Administration's handling of labor and production problems contributed appreciably to the result. There could be no question, however, but that the President would find the new Congress far less amenable to executive domination than its immediate predecessors.