Democratic Party, one of the two major parties in the United States, in 1941 continued in control of the national and most of the state governments. During the year there were no changes of importance either in the national organization of the party or in its Congressional setup. In Congress, Sam Rayburn, of Texas, was reelected Speaker of the House; and Alben W. Barkley, of Kentucky, was again made Democratic floor leader of the Senate. Senator Pat Harrison, of Mississippi, was elected President Pro Tempore of the Senate; and Senator Lister Hill, of Alabama, was made party whip. An exception to the prominence of Southerners in the Democratic organization of Congress was John McCormack, of Massachusetts, who was chosen majority leader in the House. Edward J. Flynn, of New York, continued as chairman of the Democratic National Committee. A change was made in the treasurer; Richard J. Reynolds, of North Carolina, succeeding Oliver A. Quayle in that position.
A report on May 31 on the Democratic party's finances placed its outstanding obligations at $223,764. Receipts of $336,514 were reported from Jan. 1 to May 31, nearly all of which came from the Jackson Day Dinners on March 29. Usually the dinners are held on the Saturday nearest to Jan. 8, the date of Andrew Jackson's victory at the Battle of New Orleans, but this year they were held later, owing to the fact that many Democratic leaders were too busy, preparing for the inauguration of the President, at the usual time. The Jackson Day Dinner in Washington was postponed because of President Roosevelt's absence from Washington on the scheduled date. His speech, broadcast the evening of March 29 from the yacht Potomac, off the coast of Florida, was heard at the various dinners all over the country.
The international situation has had an odd effect on Democratic harmony in Congress. In the past, many of the sour notes came from Southern critics of the New Deal. The South, however, has been conspicuous for its almost solid support of President Roosevelt's measures involving foreign affairs and national defense. As a result, despite the discordant notes sounded by isolationists, there was an unusual degree of party harmony among Congressional Democrats in 1941.
As a rule, in the so-called off years, there are no elections or other local occurrences which are of any particular significance to the party as a whole. The past year, however, may prove to be an exception. Their consequences can only be guessed at, since they remain to be seen, but it is possible that events in New York and New Jersey during the course of the year may yet prove to be of considerable importance to the national party.
In New Jersey, the upshot of a legislative dispute over railroad taxes was the resignation of Frank Hague as state leader of the Democratic party, a position he had held for twenty-five years. Governor Charles Edison, who was opposed to Hague in the railroad tax issue, had announced before the latter's resignation that he intended to wrest Hague's leadership from him. Hague's reply was to resign in favor of Governor Edison, saying that he did not want the tax issue to get tangled up with the question of state leadership. Hague's reasons, in addition to the alleged one, for giving up the state leadership were the subject of widespread speculation. Informed opinion favored the conclusion that the move was the beginning of his withdrawal from active politics. Long a favorite target for the slurs of political reformers and Republicans, 'Boss' Hague has nevertheless been a tower of strength to the Democratic party in New Jersey. Widely known as the 'Democratic Czar' of Hudson County, he is serving his eighth term as Mayor of Jersey City, and also continues as vice chairman of the Democratic National Committee.
In New York, a rather complicated situation in the Democratic party grew out of the mayoralty election in New York City, in which William O'Dwyer, District Attorney of Kings County (Brooklyn), was the Democratic candidate for mayor against the incumbent, Fiorello H. LaGuardia, who was supported by the combined Republican, American Labor, and Fusion parties, the voters of the last-named being largely independent Democrats. The regular Democrats of New York were not without obligations to the independently-minded LaGuardia for past favors in state and national elections, but with one distinguished exception, the principal leaders of the party turned a cold shoulder to the Mayor's candidacy for reelection. O'Dwyer found himself enjoying the vigorous support of such outstanding Democratic figures as Governor Herbert E. Lehman, National Chairman Edward J. Flynn, and State Chairman James A. Farley. The one distinguished exception was President Roosevelt, who at a press conference on Oct. 24 announced his unqualified endorsement of LaGuardia's candidacy.
President Roosevelt's action not only widened the gulf between him and certain elements among the New York City Democrats, but it placed Edward J. Flynn, the Bronx leader, in a curious position. Since Flynn was national chairman, as well as Democratic leader of the Bronx, his whole political future could very well depend on the outcome of the election. Flynn, who had been virtually hand-picked for the national chairmanship by Roosevelt, now found himself on the opposite side of the fence from his sponsor. The defeat of O'Dwyer, the Democratic candidate, it turned out, did not result in any particular loss of prestige for Flynn, chiefly because his organization succeeded in carrying the county offices. An aftermath of Democratic defeat in the Borough of Manhattan was a demand that Christopher D. Sullivan resign as leader of Tammany Hall. This he refused to do, asserting that the demand came from a distinct minority.
Political commentators remarked upon the dissension among the Democrats in the New York City election, and also professed to see signs that the party's strength in the metropolis was waning, which, if true, would portend a future loss of power in the state as well. But, on the other hand, it was pointed out that the Democrats poled far and away the most votes of any single party. Attention was called, however, to the fact that the city mayoralty elections, in which LaGuardia has figured, have not accurately reflected the normal distribution of political allegiance in New York City, chiefly because of his large personal following, particularly among laborers.
See also REPUBLICAN PARTY.
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