1940: France

Condition at the Close of 1940.

The year 1940 saw not only the fall of France on the military front; it also marked the temporary eclipse of the century-and-a-half-old tradition of Parliamentary procedure, which even the two monarchic interludes, and the Second Empire to some extent, had respected. Curtailment of civil liberties imposed by the victor, is, we know, unavoidable; voluntary curtailment of freedom, and a permanent estrangement from the French Bill of Rights are the indication of a more profound change than the one brought about by the upheaval of a defeat. The trend could be noticed before the capitulation at Bordeaux on June 24; decrees passed on July 28, 1939, had already curtailed the liberty of opinion in time of war; more decrees were to put a restraint on an unchecked expression of opinion during the year 1940; it was in fact one of the consequences of the new method of warfare as practiced by the totalitarian powers: the Fifth Column defeated even in peacetime the principle of free expression of the democracies. A carry-over from the year 1939, the drive against the Communists in France marked the beginning of the year 1940 and was by far the most important manifestation of the first quarter.

Later in the year, the reawakening of a stronger national feeling, blunted by the long months of inaction, coincided with a change in the Government, and the coming to power of energetic and clearsighted Paul Reynaud, a strong advocate of timely and necessary retrenchments. Unable to check an already too-well established current of defeatism, and often at odds with his closest collaborators, eager to impose new methods of warfare while in midstream, his premiership culminated in the defeat of France. He was replaced by a Cabinet headed by a World War hero, Marshal Philippe Pétain, who negotiated the dual Armistice with the German and the Italian Governments. Then, it was agreed that no permanent terms of peace would be discussed until the war in Europe was over; for this reason alone, the basis on which the 'state' of France was to be run is as unstable now as it was at the time of the signing of the Armistice. The year closed in France on a picture of severe restrictions and painful moral retrenchments. The territory of France proper was divided temporarily in two, while two provinces were permanently detached from the territory and the fate of one or more was still undecided. The French Empire, nearly a hundred million souls strong, was no longer a well-knit whole; one fourth was still wholly free from the Axis, under the leadership of General deGaulle, backed by large French forces and a sizable portion of the French fleet; the rest of the Empire was partly relinquished by France, as in the case of Syria, partly under the control of an Italian Commission, while there was a strong possibility that Indo-China would fall under the domination of Japan, unless there was a joint Anglo-American intervention in the Far-East.

This prospect failed to materialize as the year drew to a close. Northern Africa, at one time the hope of a number of the members of the French Government, who felt that the struggle of the nation against the Axis Powers could be carried on from there, was for a time forgotten, only to come back into prominence as it seemed a not too remote possibility that the stiffening resistance of the Pétain Government might lead to a reconsideration of the original plan, in the face of more insistent German demands. There is no reason, however, to believe that such resistance will reach the point where relations will be severed with the German Government and the territory can be abandoned definitely. Economically, France would, under the new régime, shift from a fairly well-balanced industrial and agricultural state to one overwhelmingly agricultural, supplying the needs in foodstuffs of the Central Powers, and where mass production of the American type would be abandoned in favor of small-scale production of the artisan type, allowing for a decentralization of production centers. Turning her back on the methods adopted at the close of the World War, France would then become entirely dependent upon her neighbors for needed products of heavy industry. It is yet too early to even foresee what changes the new régime would bring to the Empire system: from articles appearing in the German-controlled Temps of Paris, there seems to be a plan afoot for the pooling of the colonial resources of the new Europe to provide free access to the raw materials of Africa and Asia; nothing so far has been said as to the quotas allotted to the defeated nations. Whether France would retain at least a nominal title to her former holdings is a question that must await an answer until the final decision of the war.

It is doubtful that in the case of an Axis victory, France would retain her army and her navy. So far, she has been allowed a small force of 100,000 men, an army not unlike the one permitted Germany after the World War.

Period of Stagnation on the Eastern Front.

Life in France was not much disrupted in appearance during the first quarter of 1940; if it had not been for the absence of all able-bodied men, only subtler signs would have revealed to the casual observer that a life-and-death struggle was on. Yet this period, sometimes referred to as the 'phony war,' was one of restrictions, and of efforts to prepare for the test which was to come in the spring. There was a drive for the intensification of armaments. As the resources in manpower reached exhaustion, industry turned to women; a decree was passed on Feb. 28, 1940, widening the scope of women's work in wartime; it became compulsory to employ women in a number of trades, professions, and public administrations. The decision in each case rested with the Ministry of Labor. Manpower, made available through the employment of women, was placed at the disposal of the Ministries of Armament, Air, Navy. Pending appointment, the workers were allowed to find employment. A census was taken of all women available for industrial and trade work, and training centers were opened by the Ministry of Labor.

On the other hand, unemployment was fought through the inclusion in each 'département' of the head of the state employment bureau among the members of the commission charged to pass upon the applications for relief; it was hoped that the data collected at the time of the investigation of the need could help in the rehabilitation of a number of workers.

Civilian Rationing.

As the war went on, the Allies were faced with the necessity to direct, if not restrict, more severely the supplies permitted to civilians and to organize under government control the consumption of vital goods.

For instance, late in the year 1939, it had become clear that the normal supply of paper pulp would no longer be available, as it came partly from overseas and shipping would be diverted for the transportation of less bulky loads, or of more essential war material. The Northern European source of supply, Scandinavia, would soon become less and less accessible, or would require an increased use of the convoy system. On Dec. 9, 1939, a decree was passed making it compulsory to turn over to the local authorities all stocks of papers or rags weighing over 250 pounds, suitable for the production of paper pulp.

This was followed by a series of decrees rationing more and more strictly the consumption of bread and meat on the one hand, and the supplies of fuel for civilian use on the other hand.

A decree dated Jan. 12, 1940, established that meat shops would be closed two consecutive days a week and that no meat would be served in public places on those two days; the ration per person was fixed at all times at 100 grams, or 150 grams with a bone.

As for bread, an edict dated Feb. 29, 1940, provided for both the restriction of consumption and the protection of the consumer, as it was decreed that no flours, but those enumerated in the edict could be used; bakery shops were closed on Tuesdays, Wednesdays, and Fridays. At the same time the maximum allowance of bread served in restaurants and public eating places was set at 150 grams if the meal cost 15 francs or more, and at 300 grams if the meal cost less than 15 francs.

More severe and more painful was the husbanding of the nation's resources in fuel oil and coal. Gasoline for civilian use could no longer be obtained in large quantities without due justification of the need. Coal and the use of coal were made the object of a decree dated April 1, 1940. No public or private building could be heated after April 1, or before October 15. In case of severe cold weather exceptions could be made by the local authorities for periods no longer than fifteen days.

Also started at the same time, a drive against the consumption of alcoholic beverages, spirits and 'apéritifs,' so dear to so many middle-class French people, provided for the closing on Mondays, Thursdays and Saturdays of places selling liquor to the public (decree of Feb. 28, 1940). Beginning July 1, the sale of liquors was restricted to quantities not less than two liters, a little more than two quarts. The penalties ranged from small fines to the withdrawal of the liquor license.

Attempts to Strengthen Morale.

These measures could be roughly divided into three kinds: tax exemptions; special premiums for the first child of a family, designed to combat the declining birth rate; subsistence allowances of 12 francs a day for the dependents of a soldier, reduced to 10 francs outside of Paris in towns of 10,000 inhabitants or more, and 8 francs in towns of less than 10,000 inhabitants (decree of March 1, 1940) — would make up the first group.

The second group included those measures which offset the feeling that there was a discrimination in favor of foreigners and refugees. The outstanding measure of the group was the decree of Jan. 13, 1940, establishing a measure of common duty for foreigners and Frenchmen alike in time of war. Service in time of war became compulsory for political refugees up to the age of 48, with active service enforced up to 40 years of age and the possibility of enlisting above the age of 40 and below the age of 20.

In time of peace, the period of service required of foreigners would be equal to that required of Frenchmen, although the service would not be of necessity military in nature; the training they were to receive would enable them to be of service to the state in time of emergency. The period of service would be two years for men below the age of 36, the same as for French youth; between 36 and 40 years of age, it would be only one half as long, and one fourth as long above the age of 40. Timely as the measures were, the circumstances of the moment defeated their ends; many willing aliens spent the duration of the war in isolation camps and the decree was little more than a way of offsetting the criticisms often leveled at the administration for admitting too many aliens.

The last group of measures were meant to discourage those elements at home who, through either ignorance or interest, were undermining the confidence of the population. Thus a decree of April 8, 1940, struck at all public servants, or employees of a corporation performing services for the state who engage in propaganda of such nature as to be detrimental to national defense or to further the aims of an outlawed political organization.

But the most serious problem existed in the persons of the 74 Communist Deputies and the two Senators, whose first allegiance, according to the Constitution of the Communist party, was to the Comintern. First to take action early in September 1939 was the Confédération Générale du Travail (French Labor Union). This was followed by government action, hampered however by the inviolability of person of a representative while Parliament is in regular session. A special law forfeiting the mandates of the former members of the Communist Party was passed by the Chamber of Deputies on Jan. 16, 1940, by a strong majority and by the Senate on Jan. 19 with no dissenting voices. In accordance with the provisions of the law, the forfeiture was to be proclaimed by the Senate or the Chamber of Deputies at the request of the Government, the vote was followed by a request to both the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies that 67 members of the lower house and one member of the upper house, Marcel Cachin, be unseated. Another decree proclaimed André Marty, former French Communist leader, and Maurice Thorez, deprived of their citizenship (Jan. 30-Feb. 21).

Action was also taken by the local authorities against their members who had been at one time members of the Communist Party. Some members of the party disclaimed their allegiance to Moscow, but as a ruling provided that membership in the party should have been severed before Oct. 26, 1939, they could not stay the judicial action entered into by the government.

Financial and General Economic Conditions.

Having faced the most urgent problems on the social front, the Government had to solve the increasingly difficult financing of the war. Whatever measures would be taken would have far-reaching consequences in the future; they would involve more than the immediate economic adjustments necessary to pay for the mounting cost of armaments. While they still diverged as widely as before in their underlying philosophies, the war economies of the Allies and the totalitarian Powers came to resemble each other more closely in their methods as the conflict swung into its second year. The currencies were controlled more drastically than at any previous time; France required that all exports of money be cleared through a central office which at the same time exchanged for French currency all drafts coming from foreign countries. The control of labor resources got under way as a means to eradicate unemployment; and the budget, financed out of tax returns, added to the extraordinary armaments appropriation, nearly reached the figure representing in pre-war years the national income; the whole industry of France was put on a wartime footing. The law of January 1, 1940, set an 80,000,000,000 figure to the regular budget for France proper (in francs) and a 2,500,000,000 francs figure to the budget for Algerian expenditures. Again it was decided to finance the cost of the war out of borrowing to the extent of 200,000,000,000 francs. Strictly speaking the regular budget was to cover only the non-military expenditures, while military expenditures were to be financed out of loans. Yet the very impact of the war on the normal economy of the nation swelled the usual figures to much larger proportions. Thus the Ministry of Education received 4,250,000,000 francs more than in 1939; the Ministry of Health received an appropriation of 16,000,000,000 francs, ten times the normal peacetime figure; the War Veterans Pension office received as much as in peacetime. Among the Ministries receiving less than in peacetime were the Ministry of the Interior, the Ministry of Commerce, the Labor Office, the Ministry of the Colonies — which received only one fourth as much as in peacetime — the Ministry of Merchant Marine; the newly set up Ministry of the Blockade received 38,000,000 francs for 1940.

The increase in the sum granted to the Ministry of Health is explained by the fact that the subsistence allowances of the dependents of soldiers are distributed through this Ministry.

Receipts from taxation were expected to reach the following amounts:

Taxes proper: 66,023,667,000 (8,000,000,000 above 1939)

State Monopolies: 717,670,722 (111,000,000 above 1939)

Income from State holdings: 476,094,000 (3,000,000 less than in 1939)

Balances from former budgets: no income expected.

Various sources of income: 12,720,246,390 (3,000,000,000 above 1939)

Emergency resources: 8,000,000 (no corresponding taxes in 1939)

It was deemed that income from the turnover tax would remain approximately on the same basis as in previous years, regardless of the impact of the war. But other taxes assessed on transactions were expected to yield from 15 to 35 per cent less than in previous years.

However, larger returns were predicted from direct taxation — through two emergency taxes: a special tax (personal) on wages and salaries, which alone was expected to yield 1,500,000,000 francs, and the armament tax which was expected to yield 7,000,000,000 francs, although its initial rate was low.

The new taxes were a national emergency tax (rate 5 per cent) assessed on the same basis as the income tax — and a special tax of 15 per cent on certain assets of the taxpayers.

Cost of Living in Early Months of 1940.

As most statistical data became unavailable at the beginning of the war, and the services of the 'Statistique Générale de la France' were curtailed, the figures given herewith are based on estimates made by the staff of the 'Centre Polytechnique d'Etudes Economiques.' The basis adopted was that of the price index of August 1939, computed on the monthly wholesale value of '45' products, both raw material and finished products, of national and foreign origin. In December 1939, the index had reached 131 as compared to 100 in August, then went to 136 in January, and 140 in March where it stood; there was a sharper rise in the cost of raw material than in foodstuffs, in imported products than in national products. Compared with the price rise during the first few months of the war of 1914-1918, the tendency to rise was much sharper than it was then, but the curve evened up in both cases at about the same level; it was reached more quickly in 1940 than in 1914. The greater freedom of the markets in 1939 explains to some extent this quicker adjustment.

The effect of the rise of the cost of living on wages was expected to be offset to some degree by the increase in working hours; they both rose in the same proportion, with a spread of not more than 10 per cent in most cases. The increasing rationing of foodstuffs also tended to keep the prices on a more even level as it discouraged undue speculation. At the same time, a number of restrictions on agriculture, inaugurated in peacetime to maintain the prices of farm products, were removed; surpluses reappeared, a most desirable feature.

Anglo-French Relations.

At the time that the Government was seeking to make its position secure at home, it was also seeking to consolidate its partnership with England on a broader basis to meet the increased demands of the war and to match the tightening of the bonds uniting the Axis Powers. France at Munich had lost the support of the Danubian Powers, up to then a counterbalance to Germany's military power in Central Europe; with the fall of Warsaw disappeared the last hope of checking Germany's advance through a diversion in the East. Therefore the alliance with England was of paramount importance as the nation was now entirely dependent on its sea lanes of supplies for all its wartime needs. The first step in that direction was taken late in 1939: the agreement of Dec. 9, 1939, provided among other things for a close relationship of the two currencies and for a greater measure of economic interdependence; this particular point was again emphasized in February 1940 with an agreement designed to lower or offset the customs barriers on products needed for the conduct of the war. Having thus paved the way for a more efficient collaboration of the two nations, freely entered into, and to be renewed by mutual consultation at the end of a period of six months, one further step was taken toward the union of the two countries with the joint issuance of a note, dated March 28, 1940, defining the political relationship of the two Powers in any future international settlement: 'The Government of the French Republic and His Majesty's Government . . . also undertake to maintain after the conclusion of peace a community of action in all spheres for so long as may be necessary to safeguard their security and to effect the reconstruction, with the assistance of other nations, of an international order which will insure the liberty of peoples, respect for law, and the maintenance of peace in Europe.'

This trend toward a greater amount of joint deliberation between nations, which was then prevalent in Europe as in the New World (to wit, the pact between the United States and Canada for exchange of information on military measures of defense), exemplified since by the recent accord with Czechoslovakia, was to culminate shortly before, and to be reversed at the time of, the collapse of France, with the proposal for federal union between Great Britain and France, the terms of which will be given later in this article.

Through the winter, Anglo-French relations remained on the same footing; they were not profoundly affected by the reverses in Norway, where the British Navy was instrumental in the safe removal of the French army units fighting with the Allied expeditionary forces. Both in France and in England, the failure to attain a reasonable measure of success in the Norwegian campaign was responsible for the shift in policies which brought to power Paul Reynaud in France and Winston Churchill in England.

Reversal of the Policy of Anglo-French Collaboration.

A number of charges were made by French political circles at the close of the battle of Flanders, after the evacuation at Dunkerque; it was then claimed that the British Government had failed to furnish its quota of troops and had also failed to press Great Britain's war effort to meet the industrial needs of the Allied forces. The British Government has since made public the number of troops sent to France to strengthen the front in Flanders, and on the Somme: 415,000 men had reached the front at the end of May 1940; this falls somewhat short of the 26 divisions which the French Government claims were promised at the beginning of the war. Yet it was lower by only a very small margin than the promises made then. On the other hand, British air squadrons fighting in France were at all times in excess of the quota promised to the French High Command at the outset of the war. The British Government also explained that were it not for the swift rate of advance of the German armies in France, a larger number of mechanized divisions would have reached the front; but that, in view of the failure of the Allied forces to make a stand, it had seemed inadvisable to jeopardize the safety of these troops and they were routed back to England.

French Navy.

It was only after the publication of these charges, on the 25th of July, by the Government at Bordeaux, that the relations between the two Allies took a permanent turn for the worse. Counter-charges were published and broadcast in London, and attacks were made on both sides against the heads of their respective governments. This exchange became more bitter after the engagement at Mers-El-Kebir where a unit of the French Navy was given a choice by Admiral Somerville of the British Navy, to follow the British squadron to a British port, with or without their full complement, to join actively the British forces, or to sail under escort to a port in the French West Indies; only if all proposals were rejected would the British forces open fire. A short battle ensued on July 3, 1940, during which the bulk of the French ships were either sunk or put out of commission, with a few escaping to Toulon; as the exact terms of the ultimatum, delivered to Admiral Gensoul of the French Fleet, were not made public, the public protest in France reached tremendous proportions and diplomatic relations were severed.

Almost simultaneously, French vessels in British waters had been boarded by British seamen, and their crews interned. At Alexandria, the crew of a French warship lying at anchor in the bay had chosen internment for the duration of the war. What was left of the French Navy was divided between Toulon and Dakar. On Sept. 23, a French landing force, under the command of General de Gaulle, lay at anchor in front of Dakar. An ultimatum was sent to Governor Pierre Boisson, of French West Africa, who rejected the terms. During the night a landing was attempted at Rufisque, a beach near Dakar. For two days the town was under fire of British guns and defended by strong shore batteries. The resistance, however, proved to be more obstinate than the commander of the 'Free French Forces' had been led to believe from confidential reports; as it became obvious that the town would not fall without important losses in manpower on both sides, the landing party withdrew, after sinking two French submarines. In retaliation, French planes bombed Gibraltar for two days in succession.

Changes in Anglo-French Relations.

Since then, there has been a period of slight improvement, which led observers to believe that a sub-rosa Franco-British collaboration through General Weygand was not a wholly remote possibility. What is known, however, is that the restored faith in the eventual victory of Great Britain, both on the part of some of the French officials, and the rank and file of the French people, had more than military considerations swayed the French Government to a more friendly attitude toward Great Britain and a stiffer one toward Germany. But again toward the end of the year, as the effect of the British blockade became more acutely felt, the tone of the press both in Vichy and in Paris shifted to resentment toward the former ally. As France moved toward a greater measure of subjection to the victorious Nazis, its official foreign policy was bound to become more anti-British.

French Forces in Finland and Norway.

On Jan. 2, 1940, in a telegram to the League of Nations, Premier Daladier gave assurances that all the help that France could then afford would be sent to Finland. Whereas no troops were sent to Finland during the month of January, it was revealed in Parliament on Feb. 17 that France had sent early and substantial help to Finland in the form of war material, mostly ammunition and specifically hand grenades. Again on March 12, it was made clear that France had sent more war material to Finland than any other nation and that the sailing of a French expeditionary force on March 5 had been delayed only by the refusal of Sweden and Norway to allow Allied troops to march through their territory in the absence of a formal demand to that effect on the part of Finland. The landing forces then were obliged to wait in port for further developments on the Scandinavian front and were ready to embark a few days after Norway was invaded.

The invasion of Norway began during the night of April 8; demands were made upon the Norwegian Government while German troops were already landing at various key points on the southern coasts of Norway. The first help sent by France began to arrive on April 17, continuing to April 23. The main body of the French troops, mostly Alpine Chasseurs, commanded by General Audet, were landed in the northern ports of Norway on April 19.

On May 26, French, Norwegian and Polish forces supported by British naval units, made a landing at Narvik, from which German troops were driven on May 27, 1940.

But as a result of the Battle of Flanders, and the incipient Battle of France, also of the entrance of Italy into the war, Narvik and the outlying areas, seized by the Allies on May 29, had to be abandoned; the troops were recalled on June 10, and the withdrawal from Narvik, accomplished under enemy fire, remains one of the great pages of the war. The next day, the Norwegian Government officially announced that all fighting was to cease.

As the result of a secret deliberation on the conduct of the war, the failure of the Daladier Cabinet to adopt an aggressive attitude in the Finnish campaign resulted in fall of the Cabinet on March 20.

French Navy in Early Months of War.

Inaction on all fronts had a dangerous effect on the morale of the population which suffered most of the inconveniences of a nation at war seemingly without justification; the feats of the Navy were therefore all the more welcome since they contributed to break the full in land warfare. The French Navy was extremely active in its operation on the high seas and managed to convoy safely ships flying the national as well as the neutral flag; it also succeeded in keeping the Mediterranean free from enemy submarines. Alone, or together with the help of the British Navy, the French Navy convoyed 3,400 merchant vessels.

Until the signing of the Armistice, individual acts of gallantry were performed by units of the Navy, such as the capture of the freighter Rostock, a 5,000-ton German merchantman, accomplished in record time by a French warship, thus preventing the scuttling of the ship by the crew. Following the early successes of the destroyer Sirocco which had sent three submarines to the bottom within a few days, the destroyer Simoun of the same class as the Sirocco rammed a German submarine during January. Later the French submarine Orphée cruising in the waters of the Skagerrak on May 6 spotted two enemy submarines; two torpedoes were fired, one successfully hit one of the two submarines, which was sunk. Thereafter the Orphée fortunately eluded the search of airplanes and destroyers and regained her base after submerging 14 times in 48 hours, remaining under water for 37 hours altogether and going through a number of mine fields. It was the first time that one submarine succeeded in hitting another one. The spotting and destruction of enemy submarines was considered then of paramount importance as it was estimated at that time that the Axis Powers had disposed of approximately 420 to 520 submarines.

The last instance of collaboration of the two fleets was at Dunkerque, during the evacuation of the British Expeditionary Forces and the remains of the French Seventh army. (See also GREAT BRITAIN.)

Political Developments.

Parliament met in the first sitting of the regular session on Jan. 9, 1940. Daladier who, the day before, suffered contusions in a motor accident, did not attend. Almost immediately, on Jan. 11, Chautemps opened the Government's fight against the Communists by the introduction of a bill which would make it possible for Parliament to pronounce the dismissal of Deputies and Senators who were members of the Communist party. The only important political debate centered around the control of the news channels and the information office by the military authorities. The debate in the Chamber of Deputies during which strong criticisms were leveled at the Government made inroads in the majority. The office was reorganized and put under the guidance of L. O. Frossard, assisted by M. André Février.

The efforts of the Cabinet on the international front tended during this period to keep the neutral nations of Europe on the best terms with the Allies. The policy of cooperation inaugurated by Léon Bérard with Madrid culminated in the signing of a commercial treaty between France and Spain on Jan. 18; the treaty provided mostly for exchange of wheat needed by Spain against various ores used by the French war industry.

Franco-Italian relations were still apparently tolerable. The peaceful character of Italy's industrial effort was stressed. On the other hand the first sign that Franco-Japanese relations were taking a definite turn for the worse was found in the bombing of the Yunnan railroad in Indo-China, through which, it is alleged, a great proportion of the war supplies reaching the Chinese Republican Armies is shipped.

Up to then the Cabinet had received the almost unmitigated approval of the Chamber of Deputies. On Feb. 10, it received a vote of confidence with no dissenting voice. Another vote of confidence was obtained on March 15. Yet there was, in Government circles, and in the nation at large, criticism of the conduct of the war and of the policy of the Government in its dealing with war news. On March 20, after a discussion of the campaign in Norway, the Daladier Cabinet failed to receive the approval of the Chamber of Deputies, and resigned. Paul Reynaud was asked to form a new Cabinet, dedicated to a more aggressive policy in the conduct of the war; its members were mainly drawn from the ranks of the 'Radicaux-Socialistes,' some 'Socialistes,' and the Center. It could not be called a cabinet of National Union; subsequent changes gave it a wider coverage of the numerous political shades represented in Parliament; on March 20, Paul Baudouin, who had been for years prominent in banking as well as in industrial circles was brought in as assistant secretary to the Presidency of the Council; and with the inclusion of Louis Marin, and Jean Ybarnégaray, both from the parties of the Right in the Chamber of Deputies, the Cabinet took on the appearance of national union. Under the pressure of events, Marshal Pétain became Vice-Premier, displacing Camille Chautemps, who became Minister of State, along with Louis Marin and Jean Ybarnégaray. The feud between former Premier Daladier, now Minister of National Defense, and Paul Reynaud became more acute as it became evident that a drastic change should be made in the conduct of the war; it resulted in the shift of M. Daladier from the post of War Minister to that of Minister for Foreign Affairs on May 18; at the same time Mandel was made Minister of the Interior instead of the Colonies. A new reshuffling of Cabinet posts on June 6 resulted in the complete elimination of Daladier, of Anatole de Monzie, Minister of Public Works, and of Albert Sarraut, Minister of Public Education. Reynaud then consolidated the two offices of War and Foreign Affairs; Baudouin became Secretary of Foreign Affairs, while General de Gaulle became Under Secretary of War. To speed up decisions, the War Cabinet was restricted to 11, then to 8 members.

Question of Refugees.

When on the morning of May 24 the German armies entered Belgium, whole villages left their homes and fled toward the comparative safety of France; when ten days later the invading forces had also entered Northern France, after having overrun Belgium and Holland, refugees from all over the north had filled Paris to overflowing, more than a million strong, and were being directed toward the central districts of France. On May 31, there were 1,000,000 Belgian refugees in France, and 70,000 from Luxemburg who joined 2,500,000 French refugees from the Nord, Pas de Calais, Aisne, Ardennes, Meurthe et Moselle and Meuse departments. The latter were all evacuated toward Brittany, the southwest, and central France while the Belgian and Luxemburg people were sent exclusively to the southeast and the south of France. Dutch refugees, numbering 50,000, were evacuated toward Nantes. All those able to work were sent to farms and industries, while those who had had military training joined the French or the Belgian forces. Refugees received an allowance of 10 francs a day for adults, and of 8 francs a day for children; they were cared for in barracks and fed by their own national organizations or by the French authorities.

As the invasion proceeded and the German forces advanced into northern France, new waves of terrorized inhabitants left their villages or cities, and swelled to nearly 10,000,000 the total uprooted population. These went first toward Bordeaux, Toulouse and Clermont-Ferrand, then later grouped around Clermont-Ferrand. Since the middle of October, it is estimated that about half of the total number have been repatriated by groups of 40,000 to 50,000 a day. Although October 15 had first been set as a deadline, the lack of rolling stock on the one hand, and the use of the refugee question as a bargaining point by the Germans in occupation delayed the return of these refugees to well into the middle of December. While this movement was in progress, the peoples of the provinces of Lorraine and Alsace were given a choice between being removed to Poland or resettled in eastern France.

Resumption of Active Warfare on the Eastern Front.

At various times during the winter, there were reports of troop concentration on the borders of Holland and Belgium. When on the morning of May 10 the German troops simultaneously poured over the borders of Holland, Belgium and Luxemburg, the Allies, although prepared for such an eventuality, were not in a position to counter the offensive by immediate troop movement. For one thing there was the question of the neutrality of the Low Countries; there was also a delay of a few days before the first motorized divisions of the Allies rolled through the plains of the north. As it was, they were unable to reach and bolster the Belgian defenses before these cracked and were thrown back on their second line of defense; there was then no homogeneous shield to hold the Nazi advance. And so a war of movement for which the French staff was not prepared was started. Even then, a motorized division, commanded by General Giraud was able to reach its position in Holland and to hold it. The reaction of France was that though dangerous in the midst of battle a change of methods was imperative. Premier Reynaud, opposed by Daladier, who had entire confidence in the strategic conceptions of General Gamelin, threatened to resign if a new Commander-in-Chief were not appointed. The matter dragged on until May 19 when the disaster in Flanders made it appear obvious that any further delay would be fatal. General Weygand had been recalled from Syria and was available on the 19th of May. On May 21 he flew over enemy lines to confer with the French headquarters in the now almost completely closed pocket of Flanders and, through General Billote, with the Belgian High Command. Plans for a counterattack were made in order to close the gap forced open by the German armies, but could not be carried out before the complete breakdown of the French Ninth Army and the decision on May 27 of King Leopold, the Commander in Chief of the Belgian Armies, to surrender. The retreat which ended at Dunkerque, was protected by small forces of British soldiers holding Calais, in order to divert part of the forces directed against the former port. In Calais only 30 of a garrison of 4,000 were safely recovered. While the total figure of the forces carried across the Channel were in excess of 335,000, approximately 60,000 French troops reached England.

With the completion of the main drive against the Channel ports, on June 4, the German armies now turned southward toward the Seine River, finding on their way the hastily consolidated lines of General Weygand's armies. The first contact was soon made; German units filtering across the lines reached the Seine on June 9 at the same time that a new offensive was launched on the Eastern front. On June 13, 1940, Paris was declared an open city to save it from bombing.

Fascist Italy entered the war with forces of 1,600,000 strong on June 10, and on the 17th the main battle of the war on the Southern Front occurred at Menton, where the Italian forces suffered a severe setback.

After the failure of the counterattack on the Somme the French forces were never in a position to reorganize and to consistently hold their ground; most of the fighting was local according to the resources and the pluck of the particular units engaged; indeed fighting remained sporadic until the Armistice was signed, and a small number of units kept fighting on in the east after the signing of the Armistice.

Unable to reach a unanimous decision as to the advisability of carrying on the war from Africa, the Cabinet of Premier Reynaud resigned. A small group of politicians boarded the Massilia, bound for Casablanca in French Morocco. There they were held to be handed over to the new French Government of Marshal Pétain, and interned at the Chateau Chazeron, near Riom, while awaiting trial.

Cabinet Changes Preceding French Surrender; British Offer of Union.

At this time a choice of momentous importance was offered to the leaders of France; whatever the decision, it involved the abandonment of some of the tenets of France's traditional policy and a decision to embark on a policy of closer collaboration with one nation or another. The Reynaud Cabinet had resigned on June 17. There was some rumor that former Premier Laval would be head of a new Government, but as a matter of fact he declined to be associated in any other capacity than that of Minister of Foreign Affairs with a Cabinet which would be linked with the task of surrendering France; as the Ministry of Foreign Affairs had already been given to Paul Baudouin, M. Laval chose to remain outside the Cabinet, which was then headed by Marshal Pétain. As a former Ambassador to the Franco Government in Spain, Marshal Pétain was in a very good position to obtain the good offices of this Government in making contact with the German authorities. The other members of this first Pétain Cabinet were nearly the same as in that of M. Reynaud, with the exception of those who had been in favor of continuing the war. Camille Chautemps was Vice-Premier, Pomaret was Minister of Labor, and General Weygand was Minister of Defense.

A plan offered the French Government was that of a closer cooperation with Great Britain, as suggested in the proposal for a union which would join the two War Cabinets, presided over by a Frenchman, unite the two economic systems, and give double citizenship to all the citizens of Great Britain and France. This plan was presented to Premier Reynaud by Sir Ronald Campbell, the British Ambassador on June 16. It was rejected; the only course left open was that of closer cooperation with Germany.

The Armistice.

The two armistices signed were not as drastic as had been feared; they ended the struggle with Germany on the 22nd and with Italy on the 24th of June. They provided, being similar in their terms, for the cessation of fighting, the occupation of a large portion of France until the signing of the peace, disarmament of French forces, the turning over to Germany and Italy of all political refugees of their nationality.

Effect of Defeat on French Political System.

Less than a month later, on July 10, the two houses of Parliament, convened as a National Assembly in the Casino at Vichy, surrendered to Marshal Pétain all its constitutional powers and prerogatives. The new Constitution, enacted through decrees, does away with a political Parliament, withdraws from a new assembly to be elected at an undetermined time all supervisions of the nation's expenditures, and practically gives a one-man rule to the head of the new French State. The motto 'Liberté, Egalité, Fraternité' was erased from public buildings and stress was laid on the idea of nation, family and work. For a time Pierre Laval, now Vice-Premier, was designated as the successor of Marshal Pétain; however, dramatic events on Dec. 14 culminated in his forced resignation and his appointment as an advisor to the German Administration in Paris. The Cabinet of Premier Marshal Pétain has been revamped several times in order to make it more compact and to eliminate some of the elements most opposed to a collaboration with Germany.

Colonial Reactions.

Morocco, North Africa and Syria seemed to be slated to become the center of resistance of the Empire: both General Noguès and General Mittelhauser had announced that they would resist any attempt to take over their territories. This event, however, did not materialize and the center of resistance was shifted to Equatorial Africa which declared itself for General de Gaulle, together with a number of smaller French colonies in the Pacific, such as the New Hebrides and New Caledonia. No news came from Madagascar for a time, then it was announced that it would remain faithful to its allegiance to the Vichy Government. (See FRENCH INDO-CHINA; JAPAN.)

Effect of the Defeat on the Standard of Living.

After the Armistice, the accumulation of troops and refugees over less than one-half the area of France proper, combined with the almost total lack of adequate transportation for a period lasting more than three months, created conditions in which food supplies were nowhere abundant, sometimes nearly absent where large numbers of refugees congregated. To make matters worse, the central highlands of France, with the exception of a few areas, mostly around Clermont-Ferrand, and in the southeast, are neither wheat-producing countries, nor are they adapted to the cultivation of vegetables in quantities larger than those needed for the normal needs of the inhabitants; neither are they adapted to the large-scale development of dairy products. Finally the requirements of the German army of occupation practically stripped this section of France of such stores of supplies as did exist at the time of the Bordeaux Armistice. Such a condition was expected to improve as the various factors which created it were removed; it was in fact relieved to some extent by the repatriation of some of the million refugees in central France and also by the equalization of the existing supplies with the slow resumption of railroad and road traffic. It could also be alleviated to a large extent by agreements with the German army of occupation reducing the quota of food supplies removed from the area. France before the war as well as in normal times was almost self-sufficient in foodstuffs; there was even enough surplus to warrant exports of butter and dairy products as well as vegetables to England. Although in normal years the wheat harvest would fall a little short of the country's needs, there had been in recent years an accumulation of wheat, conducive to government buying to maintain artificial price levels. France imported less than 1 per cent of her total supplies of potatoes, 4 per cent of wheat, 5 per cent of barley, and 12 per cent of sugar — a larger importation of sugar being offset by re-exports representing half of the imported supply — France also imported 27 per cent of her total consumption of olive oil, most of her supply of rice from Indo-China, less than 3 per cent of her meat supply, less than 5 per cent of her egg supply. Altogether, French economy was self-sufficient to the extent of 83 per cent of the needs of the population. In the light of these figures, it appears that any serious shortage of food can be traced to extraneous conditions, such as the removal of supplies from French territory, the destruction of food supplies as a military operation, the disruption of farm work, and the delay in resettling the refugees.

Most prominently lacking after the Armistice and since, were milk, butter and cheese; also lacking was sugar; vegetables were irregularly distributed. The regulations passed by the Government of the Third Republic remained in force throughout the rest of the year as regards food rationing, meatless and breadless days having been left unchanged. Occupied France fared a little better for a time than the south; there were the granaries of France, the vast plains of the north and of the Beauce, south of the Seine, the rich cattle countries of Normandie and Charôlais and the industrial centers of Lille and Paris. Yet regulations as to the distribution of food were the same as in the south; and the same staples were missing: soap, tea, coffee, rice, wine, chocolate, potatoes. Other commodities were restricted: the ration of sugar was 500 grams a month; that of cheese 200 grams a month; the weekly allowance of fats or butter was 90 grams. Meat, to be had only six days a week, was rationed at 60 grams a day. Bread alone was nearly as plentiful as it was before the war with a daily ration of 350 grams. Yet with the coming of the winter it was expected that the rations would be reduced or else that the supplies would not permit the quotas per person to be reached.

Measures Passed by the Pétain Government.

The most dramatic measure enacted by the new Government was a Constitution to replace the Constitution granted to France at the close of the Prussian War. The preamble of the new Constitution stressed the fragility of the new set-up: 'At the most cruel moment of its history, France must understand and accept the necessity of a national revolution. It must see in it the condition on which its present safety and its future security depends . . .' At a time when the French people were given little if any choice, the Constitution promptly did away with the constitutional guarantees of democratic liberties inaugurated sixty-five years before; the two Chambers voted themselves out of existence on July 10; a series of constitutional decrees vested in the person of Marshal Pétain the power to convene new assemblies, the power to set the budget with the help of a small commission, and the power to lead the nation's forces. Even if new assemblies are convened the head of the state will have the power to make decisions without previous consultations. On July 12 a decree nominated Pierre Laval as successor to Marshal Pétain. On July 30, a new institution, a Supreme Court of Justice competent to pass on political cases, was installed by decree; its members are M. George Ripert, Admiral Herr, General Watteau, M. J. Benoist, M. A. Tannon, and the President, M. Caous. Its first task was to review the conduct of the leaders of France at the time of the defeat.

Subsequent measures taken included the reorganization of the veterans' associations into one single unit on Aug. 25; the suppression of penitentiaries for minors; the revision of the press laws in the direction of greater control; the installation of labor camps patterned on the German ones to take care of demobilized youths and unemployed workers; a new charter of education which reinstates religious education in the schoolroom. Measures of exclusion were taken on Sept. 10 against all persons of foreign origin in public service or working for public corporations, regardless of their length of stay, and regardless of the date on which they acquired their French citizenship.

As the year closed, the government-inspired anti-Jewish policy was toned down, as there was little popular response; the sending of an American envoy helped bolster the resistance of the more pro-British elements in Vichy; General Weygand was dispatched to North Africa to await further developments in the course of Franco-German negotiations; the trials at Riom, after going through the period of preliminary investigations, reached a standstill. The stage was set for the second episode of the struggle between France and the Axis Powers, to be terminated in complete defeat on the battlefield or by submission at the conference table; it became clearer that a change has occurred in the mind of the leaders of France, and that the final form of government and the alliances of France are going to become more and more contingent upon the outcome of the struggle on the Channel.