Membership.
The Congress of Industrial Organizations, which held its first convention in 1938, assumed in 1939 the characteristics of a permanent federation of labor unions. In his report to the second convention, October 1939, President John L. Lewis announced that the Congress was composed of 45 affiliated national and international unions and organizing committees, 210 state, county and city industrial union councils and 507 directly affiliated local industrial unions. In its general structure, therefore, the C.I.O. is much the same type of organization as the American Federation of Labor, which, in August 1939, reported 105 affiliated national and international unions, 855 state and city federations, and 1,563 local trade and federal labor unions. Each organization claimed a total membership of 4,000,000; the A. F. of L. figure being 400,000 above the preceding year and the C.I.O. figure showing no change.
Changes in Organization and Staff.
During the year the C.I.O. made no radical change in its structure. The Textile Workers' Organizing Committee, a temporary and transitional form of organization adapted by the C.I.O. to the requirements of unorganized industries, was merged with what was left of the old A. F. of L. United Textile Workers and became the Textile Workers' Union of America, a full-fledged affiliate of the C.I.O. The Toy and Novelty Workers' Organizing Committee was similarly converted into a national union. The National Leather Workers' Association was amalgamated with the Fur Workers' Union to form the Fur and Leather Workers' International Union. The number of vice-presidents of the Congress was increased from two to six to give representation to the unions of textile, metal mining, rubber and automobile workers, in addition to the unions of men's clothing and steel workers, represented by the two original vice-presidents, Sidney Hillman and Philip Murray.
In its organizing staff, the C.I.O. made a drastic reorganization. While, of course, the reasons for such changes are not known, they are widely attributed to the desire of the Congress to free itself from communist influence. For some time, the C.I.O. had been charged with communist leanings and several of its constituent unions with being under communist domination. These changes in personnel, which among other things greatly limited the functions of Harry Bridges, before the reorganized regional director of the West Coast for the C.I.O., were considered an attempt to discipline the many communists, who had played a prominent part in organizing several of the large C.I.O. unions.
Internal Strife.
Internal dissension which had been brewing for some time in the textile and automobile workers unions came to a head and precipitated decisive action in both situations. In the United Automobile Workers, Homer Martin, president of the union, had long been a storm center. A dispute between him and his fellow officers had been settled in 1938 by a C.I.O. committee composed of Sidney Hillman and Philip Murray. But the settlement failed to work and the quarrel continued. A decision made by the Hillman-Murray committee in January 1939 led shortly to the expulsion of Martin from the union. With such followers as he could muster, Martin set up a rival union, applied to and was granted a charter by the A. F. of L. In the textile situation the difficulty arose out of the inability of the officers of the original textile workers' union, which in 1935 joined the C.I.O., to work out a modus operandi with the officers of the Textile Workers' Organizing Committee. The upshot of this dispute was a split in the United Textile Workers, as a result of which one faction returned to the A. F. of L. and the other remained with the C.I.O. The International Ladies Garment Workers, which withdrew from the C.I.O. in 1938, remained independent of both the Congress and the Federation.
Extension of C.I.O.
In spite of these defections, the C.I.O. continued to show considerable vitality. Particularly in the elections for the choice of bargaining representatives held by the Labor Relations Board in the automobile and automotive parts industries, the C.I.O. unions won sweeping victories in the plants of such companies as Briggs and Chrysler. Only less thorough-going were the victories in the meat-packing industry. While the majorities have not been so large or the victories so many, the C.I.O. has nevertheless made progress in the textile industry where it was able to win the vote in the mills of a strategic firm like the American Woolen Company.
Conflict with A. F. of L.
The relations between the C.I.O. and the A. F. of L. have grown steadily worse. It became increasingly evident in the course of the year that a basis for peace was totally lacking. The conferences initiated by the President of the United States in March 1939 revealed very little meeting of minds and no proposals that could serve to effect a satisfactory understanding. The second plea for peace made by the President in October brought no results whatsoever, although the Federation signified its willingness to resume negotiations. Apparently the C.I.O. is unwilling to surrender its autonomy or that of any of its affiliated unions, whereas the A. F. of L. considers the settlement of the numerous jurisdictional disputes between the affiliated unions of the two bodies a prerequisite to a full and workable adjustment of their differences. Under these conditions it would seem impossible to arrive at a practicable peace formula. Meanwhile individual unions in both camps challenge one another's jurisdiction on an ever-widening front. The latest step in this direction was taken by the C.I.O. when it announced in August its intention of chartering unions in the construction industry. This attack on the oldest and most powerful group of Federation unions was received as a new declaration of war and made even the remote chances of achieving amicable relations remoter still. See also AMERICAN FEDERATION OF LABOR.
Attitude toward National Labor Relations Board.
One of the most far-reaching consequences of this conflict has been to make the A. F. of L. the spearhead of the movement to amend the Wagner Act and reform the Labor Relations Board. Because the Federation has considered its interests injured by various decisions and methods of the Board, it has waged a vigorous and effective campaign against it and more than any other single influence has brought nearer amendment of the Act and changes in the membership of the Board. The C.I.O., on its part, has been equally vigorous in its defense of the Board and the Law. The sole amendment which it has until recently advocated is one which would make violation of the Act by an employer a criminal offense. Trends in the Board's decisions and procedure during the last year, particularly with respect to the definition of bargaining units and the choice of bargaining representatives, elicited strong opposition from the C.I.O. At its last convention, the C.I.O. sharply criticized the Board's rules requiring the holding of an election to establish the existence of a majority even where membership cards submitted by the union show a majority, and the growing tendency of the Board to sanction craft bargaining units. In his report to the last annual convention of the C.I.O., John Lewis said: 'We have opposed . . . any attempt to subvert the purposes of the Act. . . . But when the Act is so administered as to thwart the development and maintenance of stable industrial relations, then it becomes necessary to consider and weigh carefully whether the benefits of the Act outweigh the dangers which its administration inflicts upon organized labor.'
Legislative Program.
The legislative program of the C.I.O. has pursued orthodox labor lines. It has steadily advocated and pressed for the liberalization of the social services, greater appropriations for housing and relief, and for fewer hours and higher minimum wage rates. It advocated pensions of '$60 a month at 60 years of age for individuals and $90 a month for married couples of 60 years of age.' It recommends a unified, national system of unemployment insurance in place of the present state plans and the liberalization of the scale of unemployment benefits. In addition to its proposed amendment to the Wagner Act, it has strongly urged an amendment to the Walsh-Healey Act, the law which fixes wage and hour standards on public contracts, whereby firms found in violation of the National Labor Relations Act would be ineligible to receive government contracts.
Political Alignment.
With the approach of the next presidential election, there has been much speculation concerning the political attitude of the C.I.O. in the coming campaign. The cordial invitation to attend and address the fiftieth convention of the United Mine Workers extended by John L. Lewis to Senator Burton K. Wheeler of Montana has made people wonder what position the C.I.O. is preparing itself to take on the issue of a third term. See also STRIKES; TRADE UNIONS.
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