1938: Poland

On Nov. 11, 1938, Poland celebrated the twentieth anniversary of her independence, after having been for nearly 150 years divided among three great European powers. More than that of any other country, the policies of Poland are dominated by her geographic position. The non-aggression treaty of 1932 with the Soviet Union and the famous agreement of 1934 with Germany seemed to secure to Poland, at least temporarily, the balance between her two powerful neighbors. This balance appears to many Poles essential for the independence of their country. But this policy of keeping an uneasy balance between the two arch enemies, the Soviet Union and Nazi Germany, became increasingly difficult during 1938. At the end of that year, in spite of the normalization of relations with Lithuania and the annexation of the Teschen district, the international situation of Poland seemed more precarious and uncertain than ever before. Poland appeared quite isolated, having by her attitude toward Lithuania and Czechoslovakia alienated a large section of public opinion in the democratic countries, and having later displeased Germany by her insistence on a common frontier with Hungary.

When Hitler annexed Austria, Poland took advantage of that European crisis to impose upon Lithuania diplomatic relations, which Lithuania had, since 1920, consistently refused because of her claim to Vilna. On March 17 the Warsaw government addressed an ultimatum to Lithuania demanding immediate restoration of diplomatic relations and the opening of the frontier to railway and postal traffic. Polish troops were massed at the frontier, and Lithuania could do nothing but accept unconditionally. While the terms of the ultimatum were moderate, and disappointing to the Polish nationalists who clamored for the annexation of Lithuania, the proceeding was much criticized abroad, especially in the democratic countries. During the Czech crisis, the Polish attitude was also interpreted as pro-German. Poland asked, and was promised by the Czech Government, the same treatment for the Polish minority in Czechoslovakia as the German minority would receive. When the Czech-German discussion in September took a critical turn and war seemed imminent, Poland's official policy was to attempt to remain neutral, in order not to involve the country in a conflict. Polish public opinion, while insisting on the equal treatment of the Polish and German minorities in Czechoslovakia, was overwhelmingly pro-French and pro-British. The Munich conference gave the Sudetenland to Germany and decided to confer on the Polish and Hungarian claims within three months, if in the meantime no agreement had been reached by the directly interested countries. Poland, not having been invited to Munich, refused authority to the four powers to settle her affairs and proceeded to settle them in her own way. An ultimatum was addressed to Czechoslovakia demanding the evacuation of the entire Teschen region and Bohumin by Oct. 10. The Prague Government yielded on Oct. 1, and during the next ten days the Polish troops took over an area of 150 square miles.

Nazi Germany having gained in Munich the domination over Czechoslovakia, reversed her anti-Czech policy and opposed the Hungarian claims, supported by Poland, over the Subcarpathian Ruthenia. Hungary and Poland desired a common frontier in order to be eventually in a better position to oppose German expansion to the East. Moreover, Poland feared that an autonomous régime in Subcarpathian Ruthenia might become the center of the independence movement of all Ukrainians, about 5 million of whom live in Poland. Germany succeeded in imposing her views upon Italy, and the Vienna decision of Nov. 2, failed to establish a common Polish-Hungarian frontier. This brought a definite change in the Polish foreign policy. The pro-German policy of Col. Beck received severe blows in Munich and Vienna, and Germany seemed to have obtained a free hand for expansion in Eastern Europe. A very intensive German propaganda began among the Ukrainians in Poland, and especially in Eastern Galicia. Riots occurred in Lwow, the Ukrainians manifesting opposition to a common Polish-Hungarian frontier and favoring the autonomous régime in Subcarpathian Ruthenia, which meanwhile changed its name to Subcarpathian Ukraine. The Ukrainian representatives in the Polish Parliament introduced a bill asking autonomy for the territories with a Ukrainian majority. This bill did not even come before the Parliament, having been rejected on constitutional grounds by the Speaker. Characteristic of the change of Polish foreign policy was the rapprochement with the Soviet Union. On Nov. 26 the two Governments agreed that their relations should continue to be based on the non-aggression treaty of 1932 and that they would strive to increase the trade between Poland and the Soviet Union. This agreement further angered Germany.

A new Parliament was elected on Nov. 6 and 13. About 70 per cent of all the seats were won by the Camp of National Unity, the Government party created in 1937. The three great opposition parties, the Peasant Party, the Socialists, and the National Democrats, have, as in 1935, boycotted the elections. The advocacy of an election boycott having been made a criminal offense, the opposition parties had a very difficult task. The participation in the elections of 67 per cent of all those entitled to vote constituted an important victory for the régime. The main task of the new Parliament will be to adopt a more liberal electoral law.

The Camp of National Unity adopted an anti-Semitic program. It claimed that there were too many Jews in Poland, and that the surplus Jewish population must emigrate. Also the agitation for 'the Polonization of commerce' continued with increased force. See also JEWS.