A summary of the legislative, judicial, and political events of 1949 in the United States is presented below. Detailed articles on other aspects of the national scene and on the United States in world affairs appear under separate headings.
CONGRESS
The 81st Congress.
Following the sweeping Democratic victories in the 1948 elections, the first session of the 81st Congress opened on Jan. 3, 1949, with the Democrats in control of both Houses of Congress. Their margin was 91 in the House of Representatives and 12 in the Senate, with a total of 262 Democrats and 171 Republicans in the House and 53 Democrats and 43 Republicans in the Senate. There was much speculation whether the Republicans would team up with some Southern Democrats in an attempt to force an early test of the strength of President Truman's administration in the new Congress.
House Procedure.
Republicans and Democrats alike were split in their views on changing the rules under which the two Houses were to operate. Many House Democrats, including Southerners who were against many of Truman's recommendations, especially his civil-rights program, opposed any change in the rules, but the change was carried through by a vote of 275 to 142, with 40 Republicans and 1 American Laborite joining the 225 Democrats for the change, and 111 Republicans and 31 Democrats opposed to it. This was the first change in House procedure in 14 years. The change in rules destroyed the veto power of the House Rules Committee and made it impossible for an opposing coalition of that body to block major legislation. It likewise made it possible for the President to obtain action on his election pledges over any combination of Southern Democrats and Republicans. It was thus expected that such major legislation in the President's program as repeal of the Taft-Hartley labor law, civil rights, and broadening of the social-securities laws would face a bright prospect of being acted upon.
The Truman Program.
The Democratic victories in the previous November elections had apparently given President Truman and his Democratic followers a mandate to put into operation the 'new New Deal' program. In foreign affairs this meant increased aid under the European Recovery Program, aid to Greece and Turkey (the Truman Doctrine), and perhaps some relief for the Far East. A North Atlantic Security Alliance was also contemplated. In domestic policies the problem seemed to be one of economic stability. Together with requests for huge funds for economic security, it was expected that the Democratic program would call for legislation giving aid to farmers, housing relief, education extension, social security, and health insurance. Additional taxes, civil-rights guarantees, economic controls, and a new labor law were on the agenda.
'State of the Union' Message.
In his 'State of the Union' message, President Truman, as was to be expected, asked Congress to raise the taxes by four billion dollars, to be derived chiefly from corporations, and to enact all the pledges which he had made in his campaign. He recommended an eight-point anti-inflation program, replacement of the Taft-Hartley Act with an improved Wagner Act, federal aid for low-cost housing, farm price supports, and universal military training. He also advocated a strong civil-rights program. He then called his program a Fair Deal, and in return for co-operation of farmers, labor, business, and Congress, he pledged his own co-operation to Congress in every segment of American economy. The 4,000-word message not only dealt with domestic matters, but also reiterated the President's support of the United Nations and continuation of the European recovery assistance.
Budget Message.
In his annual budget message President Truman proposed a record peacetime high in spending, with a grand total of $41.9 billion. He requested a tax boost of $5.9 billion which was even beyond expectations. Included in these figures was an item of $6.7 billion chiefly for E.C.A. and the army's relief program in occupied areas; $49 million for China; $14.3 billion for a 48-group Air Force of 412,000 men, an Army of 667,000 men, a Navy of 731 ships and 527,000 men; and $600 million for a universal military-training program. He also included an item of $6.2 billion for the regular government agencies; $2.4 billion for social welfare; $5.5 billion for veterans; and $5.4 billion to be applied as interest on the public debt, which stood at $252 billion.
Congressional Reactions.
There were naturally various reactions to the President's proposals. Republican legislators branded it as 'socialistic,' especially in its domestic aspects, but they generally favored the bipartisan foreign policy. Immediately the Democrats of the 81st Congress, under the sponsorship of Senator Elbert Thomas of Utah, started action to implement the suggestions by introducing a bill to repeal the Taft-Hartley Law and restore the Wagner Labor Act. Scores of other bills were likewise introduced, chief among them being measures providing broader social-security benefits and prepaid medical insurance. In the first thirteen days of the session, 2,234 bills and resolutions had been introduced, 569 in the Senate and 1,665 in the House. The first two measures receiving final action during this period were a bill declaring a four-day holiday in Washington for the inauguration ceremonies, and a bill raising the President's salary. The Vice-President and Speaker of the House also had their salaries raised before the inauguration, so that the President and Vice-President, as well as the Speaker, would enjoy the increase during their tenure in office.
Civil Rights.
One of the most important recommendations made by President Truman in his 1948 campaign was that Congress enact some form of antilynching and anti-poll tax legislation. Bills to that effect were early introduced in the 81st Congress, but little progress was made toward their passage. Southern Senators even threatened to filibuster if the administration insisted on action.
Closure Rules.
To forestall such a possibility, the administration forces under the leadership of Senator Scott Lucas, majority leader, proposed to pass a rule allowing a two-thirds majority in the Senate to cut off debate at any time in the process of discussions. Naturally, Southern Senators were opposed to the new rule because it would deprive them of their filibuster privilege. So they began a filibuster against the Lucas resolution. They held the floor for twenty-six hours in ten days. Finally Lucas presented a closure petition signed by a majority of Democrats over Republicans. Vice-President Barkley then ruled that closure could be applied on a motion, which was a technical victory for the administration forces, although it was bitterly challenged by the Southerners and a large group of Republicans, including Senator Vandenberg. The Barkley ruling was finally defeated by a vote of 46 to 41. The attempt to present a filibuster was thus lost for the time being. The Southern Democratic-Republican coalition then introduced a "compromise" rules change which would permit closure oat any point in Senate proceedings by a vote of two thirds of the full Senate, with the exception that there would be no closure on motions to change the rules. They argued that this change would provide a weapon against filibusters in national emergencies. The proposal was accepted by a vote of 63 to 23. This virtually killed any civil-rights legislation for the session, although several attempts at this were made later in the session, without results.
Poll Tax.
A bill making it illegal to require payment of a poll tax as a prerequisite to voting for a Representative, Senator, Vice-President, or President in either a primary or general election, was approved by the House Administration Committee with a vote of 11 to 7. After much heated debate the measure was finally passed by the House 273 to 116, but was not successful in the Senate.
Rent Control.
In March the House passed a new rent-control bill which would extend controls for 15 months and modify them considerably, whereas the President wished that they be extended for 24 months. The vote was 261 to 153, with 199 Democrats joining 61 Republicans and 1 American-Laborite. Opposing were 101 Republicans and 52 Democrats. At the same time the Senate Banking Committee cleared for floor action a bill for 12 months' control plus a 3-month moratorium on rent rises and evictions at the expiration of controls. The House bill would allow any state or local government to end federal control in its area simply by voting to do so, whereas the Senate bill would limit decontrol to action by the state legislature or governor.
In its action on the Fulbright amendment, however, the Senate voted to allow town and city governments to abolish controls in their areas if the state governor approved. The 45 to 35 vote crossed party lines. A combination of 19 Democrats, 12 from the South, joined 26 Republicans in favoring it. Seven Republicans and 28 Democrats opposed it. Final Senate action approved the bill 78 to 11, and it went to conference for adjustment of differences with the House measure. After the House-Senate conferees had ironed out their differences, the new bill became law with President Truman's signature just a day before the old law expired. Although not as strong as the President had wished, he declared the measure was a 'crushing defeat for the real-estate lobby.' The new law extended controls for 15 months, but would let states, cities, towns, and villages end rent controls if the state governor approved. It authorized the Federal Housing Expediter to regulate evictions, making it possible to curb a 'black market in rents.' He was also empowered to sue landlords for treble damages on the tenant's behalf in case of a rent overcharge. It further eliminated the procedure permitting so-called voluntary leases with rent increases up to 15 per cent. It also allowed owners to receive a 'fair net operating income,' although the details of this were not specific.
Trade Agreements Act.
In February the House passed, 319 to 69, a new extension of the Trade Agreements Act of 1934. It removed the restrictions which had been placed in the one-year extension of the Act in 1948, whereby the Federal Tariff Commission had the duty of setting 'peril points' below which certain tariff cuts could not go, and forcing the President to 'explain' to Congress any lowering of tariffs below these points. The new measure extended the 1934 Act for 'three years from June 12, 1948,' to June 1951. The Senate finally approved the measure 62 to 19 after attempts were made by the Republicans to attach severe restrictions on the bill. One such attempt was defeated only by the vote of Vice-President Barkley breaking a tie. The President was allowed to cut tariff rates as much as 50 per cent below the 1945 levels.
Health Law.
One of the cardinal proposals of President Truman's Fair Deal program called for the enactment of a federal health law. The administration bill as introduced by Senator James Murray and Representative John Dingell called for a compulsory national health insurance as part of the social-security system. It would be financed by pay-roll taxes of up to 1½ per cent on employees and employers, and would provide complete medical care for at least 120,000,000 wage earners and dependents. The President's plan was denounced as 'socialism' by its opponents. According to administration estimates, the program would cost $6.5 billion a year, to be administered by a Department of Welfare headed by a secretary of cabinet rank. A coalition of Republicans and Southern Democrats defeated the bill in the Senate. The vote was 60 to 32, with 37 Republicans and 23 Democrats voting to kill the bill, and 28 Democrats and 4 Republicans voting for it.
Social Security.
Following up his proposal in the campaign to secure an enlarged social-security program, President Truman submitted to Congress his recommendations for a major part of his Fair Deal, which urged that coverage should be extended to an additional 20,000,000 workers including farmers and farm workers, the self-employed, domestics, and workers in nonprofit institutions. Further, the benefits would be doubled, and all persons covered would be eligible for disability insurance. Provision also would be made for those who were simply 'needy,' with the government paying up to 75 per cent of the state expenditures. It was estimated that the cost for the first year would be about $24 million. The President further proposed that the plan would be financed by raising the tax on employers and employees from 1 per cent to 1½ per cent on July 1, and to 2 per cent on January 1, 1950. These taxes would be levied on the first $4,800 of annual income, instead of $3,000. Regular federal appropriations would finance the home-relief aspect.
Pensions.
Late in the first session of the 81st Congress the House took up the question of pensions, which was embraced in a 201-page bill known as H.R. 6000. It would extend coverage to 11,000,000 additional persons, including self-employed, domestic servants, some employees of state and local governments, and employees of nonprofit institutions. The benefits would be increased an average of 70 per cent. Taxes would be levied on employees and employers for the first $3,600 of annual income, and the rates would increase from 1½ per cent in 1950 to 3¼ per cent in 1970. During the House debates on the measure the Republicans attempted to pass a substitute bill moderating the changes in the system, but on a test vote they were defeated 232 to 113. The original bill was finally passed by a 333 to 14 vote, with 202 Democrats, 130 Republicans and 1 American Laborite approving, and 2 Democrats and 12 Republicans opposing. The Senate, however, took no action; but it was expected that the bill would come up for Senate approval in the second session in 1950.
Aid to Education.
One important item in President Truman's Fair Deal program called for federal aid to education. Sponsored by nine Democrats and six Republicans, a bill was introduced in the Senate calling for an expenditure by the Federal Government of up to $300 million a year in aid to states, according to their needs. To qualify for such aid, states would have to arrange educational programs costing at least $55 per pupil, including the federal grant. Private and parochial schools would not receive benefits directly, but the states could provide them with various services, such as textbooks and school buses. Segregation would not be banned, but the states would be expected to spend federal funds equally on white and Negro schools. The final vote in the Senate was 58 to 15.
Barden Bill.
A similar bill was introduced in the House by Representative Graham A. Barden of North Carolina, but it limited the funds to 'public elementary and secondary schools,' which were defined as 'tax-supported grade schools and high schools which are under public supervision and control.' Various Catholic leaders immediately attacked the Barden bill as discriminatory, and demanded defeat of the bill. No final action on the measure was taken.
Labor Laws.
One of the most important pieces of domestic legislation which Congress debated after President Truman's inauguration was his proposal for a thorough revision of the labor law. It was clear from the outset that it would provide the basis for much controversial debate, which would be among the most bitter of the entire session. The bill as submitted by the administration called for the outright repeal of the Taft-Hartley Act and the re-enactment of the 1935 Wagner Act, with moderate restraints on labor. The proposed measure would eliminate injunctions against 'emergency strikes,' and allow the President to 'call upon' the parties to the dispute to accept a thirty-day truce while investigations were in progress. It would also restore mediation service to the Labor Department, instead of having it handled by an independent agency, but this was opposed by Federal Mediator Cyrus S. Ching, who felt that it was dangerous to impose this responsibility on any department of the administration. A long-drawn-out debate was naturally expected.
Thomas Bill.
During the hearings on the administration's bill, the most prominent witnesses were William Green of the A.F.L., for labor, and Charles E. Wilson, president of General Electric, for management. The two sides were opposed on every point. Labor opposed the Taft-Hartley Law for permitting injunctions against national-emergency strikes, for allowing employer suits against unions, and banning closed shops. Management, on the other hand, warmly supported the act, and bitterly attacked the administration's bill chiefly on the grounds that it would restore the closed shop, abolish injunctions, and not force the unions to file financial reports. The Labor Committee of the Senate finally approved the administration's labor bill 'without a comma changed.' It had been introduced early in January by Senator Elbert D. Thomas of Utah. The vote was on straight party lines — 8 Democrats for and 5 Republicans against. As reported out of committee, the bill provided for minor curbs on labor, chiefly in certain jurisdictional strikes and secondary boycotts. It would return the Federal Mediation and Conciliation Service to the Labor Department, and it specifically authorized closed-shop contracts in all interstate commerce.
Lesinski Bill.
After the Easter vacation the House took up the labor legislation, which provided an important test of the strength of the Truman administration forces in Congress. President Truman took an important step in the debates when he announced that only Democrats who displayed loyalty to the party might expect any federal patronage. There were protests that the President was putting a 'patronage purchase tag' on Congressional votes. There were still 224 members in the House who had voted in favor of the Taft-Hartley Act in 1947. This was seven more than a majority. But the November elections had indicated that sentiment was in favor of a milder law, and therefore a compromise was felt desirable. The bill which gained most consideration in the House was that sponsored by John Lesinski of Michigan, which would repeal the Taft-Hartley Law and re-enact the Wagner Act of 1935. Administration and labor leaders favored the Lesinski bill and various amendments to strengthen it.
Wood Bill.
Another bill, however, introduced by Congressman John Wood of Georgia, retained most of the provisions but not the name of the Taft law. It was favored by most of the Republicans and Southern Democrats. When the final vote was taken on the two measures, the House approved the Wood bill by a 217 to 203 roll-call vote. The vote revealed 146 Republicans joining 71 Democrats for the Wood bill, and 180 Democrats and 22 Republicans and 1 American-Laborite against it. The Truman administration was thus dealt a crushing defeat. But due to a technicality, the bill was recommitted to the Labor Committee by a vote of 212 to 209. An apparent defeat was thus turned to a temporary victory for the administration. This placed the whole matter where it had been for several weeks.
Injunctions.
Meanwhile the Senate was still discussing the Thomas bill. Administration spokesmen offered four amendments to make the measure more like the Taft-Hartley Act in order to win votes from middle-of-the-road senators. These changes were pushed through on voice votes with relatively little opposition. But the most controversial item was the provision for national-emergency strikes. The current law gave the government the power to halt strikes by obtaining an injunction, a procedure condemned by labor. The Thomas bill would not give the government such specific powers, but Senator Taft introduced an amendment which would allow the President either to seek an injunction or seize the plants, whichever he preferred. The Taft amendment was 60 pages long. During the balloting on the injunction issue, all amendments to soften the measure were badly beaten, through a combination of Taft-Hartley supporters and all-out labor backers opposed to any changes in the administration bill. The roll-call vote was 50-40. On the vote, 17 Democrats deserted the administration to join 33 Republicans in supporting the Taft amendment. Five Republicans and 35 Democrats opposed it. In the final vote the Senate passed the entire new labor bill by a vote of 54 to 42. The measure was put across by a combination of Republicans and Dixie Democrats. Voting for the bill were 34 Republicans and 17 Democrats, with 14 of the latter from the South.
Farm Program.
Secretary of Agriculture Brannan, before the joint session of the Senate and House Agriculture Committees, presented a 35-page statement which outlined the administration's new farm program, which 'not only protects farmers but gives consumers a real break.' His plan proposed to raise the base parity price of agricultural products. The House Agriculture Committee, by a party-line vote of 17 to 9, approved the Brannan Plan parity formula, which would allow the Secretary of Agriculture to select certain nonstorage crops as an experiment. The plan was embodied in a measure which was introduced by Representative Stephen Pace of Georgia. When the first major test on the plan came to a vote in the House it was defeated by a 222 to 152 vote. Lined up against the bill were Republicans, many Southern Democrats, and a number of other Democrats who were opposed to it on the grounds of 'bad politics,' in spite of the appeal of Speaker Sam Rayburn for party co-operation.
Parity Plans.
Then a substitute for the trial-run bill was introduced which would repeal the Hope-Aiken sliding-scale-parity law, and extend the 90-per-cent-parity law for a year. On the final roll call, the vote was 383 to 25 against the Hope-Aiken Law. The measure then went to the Senate. The Anderson bill, which passed the Senate, also called for parity, but with a sliding scale running from 90 down to only 75 per cent instead of 60. It was a purely compromise measure. A group of Senators from the farm states attempted to defeat the sliding scale, but were defeated 45 to 26. The Anderson bill was signed by the President after the Conference Committee had ironed out minor differences. It was generally hailed as a compromise victory for those who favored flexible supports over the rigid 90-per-cent-parity program.
Anderson Bill.
The essential features of the new law are as follows: (1) the present support of basic commodities at 90 per cent of parity would continue for another year; (2) after 1950, prices would be supported between 80 and 90 per cent of parity for one year and afterward on the basis of 75 to 90 per cent of parity; (3) through 1953, parity would either be the 1909-1914 formula adopted in 1933 or the new parity, based on a sliding scale, whichever was best for the farmer. After 1953 the old formula would be dead; (4) mandatory price support could be set at 60 to 90 per cent of parity for wool, mohair, honey, Irish potatoes, and tung nuts; (5) mandatory support would be 75 to 90 per cent for whole milk, butterfat, and milk products; (6) storable nonbasic commodities would be supported at 75 to 90 per cent; and (7) the Secretary of Agriculture would be authorized to support the price of nonbasic farm products which could not be stored, at levels up to 90 per cent.
Wheat Bonus.
President Truman also signed into law a measure which would give farmers a bonus of about 2 million acres of wheat under the government's allotment program for next year. It would permit farmers to plant 70,900,000 acres of wheat in 1949-1950 instead of the allotment of 68,900,000 set by Secretary Brannan previously. The bill was in the form of a rider to a cotton-control law which also passed.
Housing.
The administration introduced a bill calling for 1,050,000 housing units to be built in seven years, but Senator Taft introduced his own bill asking for 600,000 units in six years. A compromise measure was finally reported out of committee which called for 810,000 units of public housing to be built in six years at a cost of $308,000,000, and provided $1,500,000 for slum clearance and $267,500,000 for rural housing. The Senate passed the Taft bill by a vote of 57 to 13. Two Southern Democrats joined 11 Republicans in voting against it. Senator Bricker's amendment to bar segregation in public housing projects was defeated 49 to 31. The House version of the bill, following closely President Truman's recommendations, cleared the Banking Committee by a 14 to 7 party-line vote. It provided for a federal contribution of up to $400 million annually over a 40-year span, with the cost paid for out of rents collected, along with local community contributions. During the debates on the bill on the House floor, two Democrats, Sabath of Illinois and Cox of Georgia, exchanged some sharp words which led to a fist fight, which was a symbol of the bitterness over the housing issue both in Congress and throughout the nation. Scores of amendments and substitute proposals were introduced in the House. But administration forces seemed to be in the majority, and every attempt to scuttle the measure was defeated. The final vote was 228 to 185, which was the biggest single legislative victory for the administration in the 81st Congress, and thus fulfilled one of the President's major election campaign promises.
Wage-Hour Act.
The House passed an amendment to the Fair Labor Standards (Wage-Hour) Act of 1938, raising the minimum pay to 75 cents per hour, as suggested by President Truman; but it also exempted from the law's jurisdiction about one million low-paid workers. These exemptions were bitterly fought by the administration, but a coalition of Republicans and Southern Democrats forced them through by a vote of 225 to 181.
Meanwhile a Senate labor subcommittee voted unanimously to agree to the 75-cent scale. After a lengthy series of debates the Senate gave its approval, and thereby virtually completed Congressional action on one of the warm points in President Truman's economic program. However, Congress had modified the President's requests somewhat. He had asked that the number of workers covered be expanded from 22,500,000 to 27,500,000. Actually, about 1,500,000 fewer than the former figure would benefit under the new law. President Truman, in signing the measure, hailed it as a 'major victory' for his administration. Government officials said the pay raise in most cases would not exceed 15 cents, since most of the workers were already receiving more than the 40 cents minimum. The bill also tightened the ban against child labor and gave added enforcement powers to the wage-hour administrator.
National Defense.
The Senate gave its approval to legislation aimed at correcting 'certain weaknesses' in the unification of the Army, Navy, and Air Force. Action was by a voice vote. In general, the measure provided broader and more definite powers for the Secretary of Defense, especially in the control of policies and spending. A chairman would be designated over the Joint Chiefs of Staff. A uniform budget and accounting method would be established estimated to save as much as $1,500,000,000 a year. The bill ran into difficulties in the House Armed Services Committee, where it was opposed by Chairman Carl Vinson and other Navy supporters. But President Truman sent a reorganization plan to Congress which would put into operation the principal sections of the bill in 90 days, unless Congress disapproved. This apparently forced Congress to act, because the unification bill favored by the administration was finally approved by both Houses and became law with the President's signature.
Security Act Amendment.
The National Security Act amendment of 1949 changed the 'national Military Establishment' to the 'Department of Defense,' and gave the Secretary of Defense powers comparable to those of other cabinet members over their departments, with authority over the secretaries of Army, Navy, and Air Force. It also created a Deputy Secretary of Defense and three Assistant Secretaries in place of Special Assistants, and also created a chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. The three departments of Army, Navy, and Air Force were defined as 'military' departments within an 'executive' department in the Department of Defense. President Truman appointed General Omar N. Bradley to the job of chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. Other men holding key positions in strategic planning were: General J. Lawton Collins for the Army, General Hoyt S. Vandenberg for the Air Force, and Admiral Louis E. Denfeld for the Navy. Under this set-up the Navy had a suspicion that it was being by-passed. The dispute came to a head over the B-36 bomber, which was favored by the Army and Air Force to receive a large share of defense appropriations.
Executive Branch.
In 1947 Congress established the Commission on Organization of the Executive Branch, headed by ex-President Herbert Hoover, to make a comprehensive study of governmental efficiency. This commission sent reports of its findings to the 81st Congress and recommended that Congress should give President Truman power to make changes in the Executive Branch, subject only to Congressional veto. An enabling measure to that effect was finally passed.
Department of Welfare.
Immediately after signing the measure the President sent the first list of organization proposals to Congress. They recommended that a Department of Welfare be established with cabinet rank, to take the place of the Federal Security Agency. The Department of Labor would be strengthened and would handle the employment functions of the Federal Security Agency. They would also increase the authority of several heads of agencies, such as the Postmaster General and the chairman of the Civil Service and Maritime commissions.
Salaries.
Congress enacted into law a measure providing salary increases totaling $700,000 for 253 top federal officials. It raised the salary of cabinet officers from $15,000 to $22,500 a year. At the same time the Under Secretary of Defense had his salary raised from $14,500 to $20,000, and the armed services secretaries were to receive $18,000 instead of their former $14,000. The other under secretaries of the various departments were raised from $10,330 to $17,500. The Director of the Budget Bureau, the Federal Security Administrator, Veterans Administrator, Comptroller General, and the assistant to the Attorney General each was raised to $17,500. The head of the F.B.I. was to receive $16,000 and members of boards and commissions $15,000. The President's 11 helpers were to receive salaries ranging from $15,000 to $20,000 annually. The measure also provided an average salary increase of $141 for $85,000 Civil Service workers at a total annual cost of about $130,000,000. It was a compromise measure between the $160 which the Senate favored and the $113 advocated by the House. The new law also granted a flat $120 raise for nearly all regular postal employees, with hourly increases for other postal workers. It covered about 500,000 postal workers. The total pay increases affected some 1,385,000 government workers, and the total increase amounted to $243,000,000. In addition, the President's salary was increased from $75,000 a year to $100,000, with a tax-free expense allowance of $50,000, plus $40,000 for travel. The salaries of the Vice-President and Speaker of the House were raised from $20,000 to $30,000, plus a $10,000 tax-free expense account. Congress also passed a bill giving most members of the armed forces pay boosts that totaled more than $300,000,000 a year. It was the first general revision of armed forces salary scales in forty years. The measure boosted scales in widely varying amounts ranging from $5.00 a month for recruits with 5 months' service, to $300 or more a month for generals with over 30 years' service. The increases were generally higher for officers than for enlisted men.
Veterans' Pensions.
Representative John Rankin of Mississippi, chairman of the Veterans' Affairs Committee, introduced an extremely generous measure providing for pensions to veterans at the rate of $90 a month to each of the nation's 18,800,000 veterans at the age of 65, whether they needed it or not, and a minimum of $42 per month for their widows. It was estimated that the cost the first year would be about $62 million, and would rise to $6 billion in ten years, and perhaps ultimately to a total of $200 billion. However, the Rankin bill was killed in the House by a one-vote margin following a quarrelsome debate, during which the House members changed their votes five times before shelving the bill. On the showdown the vote was 208 to 207 to send the bill back to the Veterans' Committee for further study, which virtually ended all possibility of its passage. Republicans voted two to one for the measure, while the Democrats voted against it three to two. On the day following, however, Rankin introduced a new bill to provide $72 a month for World War I servicemen at age 65 so long as their incomes did not exceed $2,000 if single, or $3,000 if married or with one dependent. The measure would exclude World War II veterans. The House approved the Rankin bill 365 to 27, but the Senate promptly buried it in its Finance Committee.
Aid to States.
A bill authorizing $100,000,000 in federal aid to states for blueprinting projects over the next two years was enacted by Congress. Senator Dennis Chavez of New Mexico was its sponsor in the upper House. It had been requested by President Truman that a shelf of public-works projects be built in case of a severe depression. The state aid program called for loans to states and their public-works agencies to help finance surveys, architectural studies and designs, and economic investigations, to be repaid when actual construction began.
Aircraft Research.
The President also signed a bill authorizing a $246,000,000 expansion of design and research facilities for supersonic aircraft and guided missiles. The program, which would eventually cost over a billion dollars, called for the construction of a huge engineering-development center and the erection of giant wind-tunnels. It was said that this was 'almost mandatory' if the United States was to maintain its air superiority. The Air Force was authorized to spend up to $100 million immediately to start the work on a giant developing center where working models would be tested.
Foreign Aid Program.
President Truman had asked for an appropriation of approximately $6 billion for foreign aid to strengthen Secretary of State Acheson's hand in dealing with Europe's economic problems. The measure met with considerable opposition from certain quarters in the two Houses of Congress. Senator John McClellan of Arkansas attempted to block the bill with an amendment to make specific in the law that the E.C.A. and the Army would buy $2 billion worth of surplus United States crops for distribution overseas, but this attempt was scuttled. Attempts were also made in the House to effect some deep cuts in the administration measure, but these were also voted down. The vote on the final passage in the House had only 27 members against it, and 193 in favor. The final vote in the Senate was 63 to 7. The bill as finally passed was substantially that which the President had requested.
Military Aid.
The administration also requested, as part of its obligations under the Military Aid Program (M.A.P.), a sum of $1.45 billion for arms shipments. The North Atlantic Pact countries were to get $1,600,990,000 in addition, with $261,370,000 going to Greece and Turkey, $27,640,000 to Iran, Korea, and the Philippines. The House voted to cut the Pact countries' aid in half, but later voted to restore the original figure by an overwhelming vote. The vote for the cut originally was 71 Democrats and 137 Republicans, and against it were 143 Democrats and 8 Republicans. In September the Senate foreign-policy leaders reached an agreement for a compromise, which would favor an appropriation for Pact nations of an even $1 billion. President Truman had requested no funds for China except in the form of token aid. The House therefore attempted to defeat all attempts of the Republicans to grant such aid. The Senate committee authorized $75 million, which became the subject of bitter debate in the Senate. The Republicans, under the leadership of Senator Knowland of California, asked that $175 million be appropriated for the Nationalists, but Senator Connally opposed on the ground that the Nationalist government was too corrupt and weak to deserve further aid. Later, Senator Connally agreed to accept the $75 million figure, but the committee refused to budge, and voted the full amount by an 11 to 9 party-line vote. As finally passed by Congress, the bill authorized $1,314,010,000 for military equipment for the Pact countries and others committed to blocking the expansion of communism. The Pact nations themselves would get $1 billion; Greece and Turkey $211,370,000; Iran, Korea, and the Philippines $27,640,000; China and the Far East $75,000,000. The President's signature brought into action a peacetime military-assistance program unprecedented in American history. This was the last major measure to be attended to before the adjournment of Congress. It and the previously ratified North Atlantic Security Pact sent the United States the farthest it had ever gone toward peacetime commitments to help other nations in the event of another world war.
Budget.
The foreign-arms money also raised spending authorizations for the fiscal year 1950 to more than $37,600,000,000, fully $5 billion more than in 1948 when the Republican 80th Congress controlled the purse strings. The total still was $1,800,000,000 below the spending estimates that President Truman submitted in January. But it put the government in the position of spending more than it received for the first time since the end of World War II. The Treasury Department reported in November that the deficit for the current fiscal year was already up to $2,344,070,613. Estimates of the deficit by the end of the fiscal year on June 30, 1950, ran to $5 billion or higher. The national debt in November was over $252 billion.
Session Statistics.
The first session of the 81st Congress officially adjourned on October 19, after lasting 290 days. It almost broke the 292-day peacetime record of 1921-1922. The Senate had been in session 1,145 hours, and the House 704 hours. The Senate had actually worked 186 days, while the House worked on 165 days. The Senate proceedings had filled 9,180 pages in the Congressional Record, while the House used 6,206 pages. The Appendix contained 7,180 pages. The Senate had enacted into law 145 public bills and 75 private bills, while the House accounted for 295 public and 278 private measures. The total number of public bills enacted into law was 440. The Senate had passed a total of 1,201 measures, and the House 1,362. A total of 3,160 measures had been introduced in the Senate, and 7,467 in the House. There had been 413 quorum calls and 220 yea-and-nay votes in the Senate, compared with the 115 and 121 respectively in the House. Thirty-two bills had been vetoed by President Truman. A total of 55,311 nominations had been received by Congress; two were rejected, 39 withdrawn, and 401 unconfirmed, leaving a total of 54,869 confirmed.
The Senate had 5 changes in its membership during the session, 2 by death and 3 by resignation. At the beginning of the session the Democrats had a 54 to 42 margin over the Republicans, but this was reduced to 52 to 44 at the end. The House lost five members by death. The House started with 263 Democrats and 171 Republicans, and ended 261 to 171, with two vacancies.
FOREIGN AFFAIRS
Truman Program.
In his inaugural speech President Truman announced a four-point program which would govern American foreign relations. The plan called for 'unfaltering support to the U.N.,' a continuation of the European Recovery Program (Marshall Plan), support of the proposed North Atlantic alliance which the United States would join to help 'strengthen freedom-loving nations against the dangers of aggression,' and a 'bold new program' for making United States scientific and industrial progress available to underdeveloped areas. Its aim, so the President stated, was not to restore 'the old imperialism,' but 'to help the free peoples of the world, through their own efforts, to produce more food, more clothing, more materials for housing, and more mechanical power to lighten their burdens.
State Department Policy.
Following closely on the heels of President Truman's economic message to Congress, the State Department issued an important statement of policy. It criticized the Soviet Union for using tactics which created fear and insecurity, and which might paralyze the European recovery effort. Therefore, it recommended the establishment of a North Atlantic Security Pact as necessary 'for future peace and security.' Only nations that were participants in such a pact would receive arms from the United States. The statement indicated that the United States was ready to join in an agreement with the five Western Union nations and Canada, as well as other Western nations.
Purpose.
The North Atlantic alliance which President Truman proposed in his inaugural speech was intended to link the United States, Canada, the United Kingdom, France, Belgium, the Netherlands, and Luxembourg in a common defense against potential aggressors, commonly assumed to be the U.S.S.R. It was suggested as an 'antidote to fear.' The State Department hoped that as many anti-Communist European countries as possible would join the alliance, and it was ready to aid those countries that did.
Preliminary Debate.
When the debate on the alliance started in Washington, the major issue centered around the role of the United States in world affairs. It was a vital test of American leadership in the struggle between the West and the Soviet Union. The debate itself hinged on two of the United States Constitution's most important provisions on foreign relations. According to Article I, Section 8, the power to declare war was vested in Congress, by a majority vote of both Houses. Article II, Section 2, declared that the President had the power to make treaties, by and with the consent of two-thirds of the Senate. Senator Tom Connally, chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee, and Senator Arthur Vandenberg, ranking minority member of that committee, objected to any treaty calling for military aid. Secretary of State Acheson then proposed that each signatory be free to decide when an armed attack had occurred and what action it would take. In the Senate debate there were two opposing viewpoints on the question of an American commitment to war, some arguing that without such a definite commitment on the part of the United States the alliance would be meaningless, while others expressed the belief that the United States should not tie its hands.
Ratification.
As soon as the text of the alliance was made public, President Truman appealed for quick action by the Senate for its approval, but Senator Taft warned that if the United States should adopt the agreement, there should be a 'frank admission that we are committing ourselves to go to war if Russia attacks one of the Western European countries,' and that 'the United States will be obligated to rearm Western Europe.' He questioned whether the pact was in pursuance of the general theory of the United Nations. However, members of the United States Senate generally expressed approval of the compact's aims, although some took exception to the provision under which the United States might be called on to use its military forces in helping a member nation under attack.
Hearings.
On April 4 delegates of twelve nations met in Washington and affixed their signatures to the document. They represented Belgium, Canada, Denmark, France, Iceland, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Almost immediately the Senate Foreign Relations Committee began hearings on the measure. Its ratification was ultimately assured, but a stiff fight developed over the proposal to back up the treaty with arms shipments estimated to cost up to $2 billion. From April 27 to May 18 the Senate committee held public hearings, taking a half-million words of testimony from 97 witnesses. The committee finally approved the pact 13 to 0. It said ratification by the Senate would 'greatly increase the prospect' of averting a third world war. The vote itself caused very little public reaction, which apparently indicated a general acceptance of the need for collective security and a belief that the treaty would help maintain world peace.
Ratification.
Finally after 13 days of furious debate the Senate ratified the treaty by an overwhelming vote of 82 to 13. All reservations were defeated. Two Democrats, Johnson of Colorado and Taylor of Idaho, joined 11 Republicans in voting against it. The Republicans were Cordon of Oregon, Donnell of Missouri, Flanders of Vermont, Jenner of Indiana, Kem of Missouri, Langer of North Dakota, Malone of Nevada, Taft of Ohio, Watkins of Utah, Wherry of Nebraska, and Young of North Dakota.
Proponents of the treaty were quick to hail it as a long step forward in assuring peace. Secretary of State Acheson declared that the decisive nature of the Senate vote 'makes clear to the world the determination of the American people to do their full part in maintaining peace and freedom.'
Military Assistance Act.
After the ratification of the North Atlantic treaty, the next problem to be faced was the amount and method which should be used to finance it, in order that the pact itself be effective. The United States had pledged that military assistance would be forthcoming. As soon as President Truman had formally signed the treaty, he sent to Congress a 2,000-word message on major foreign affairs, together with a 2,500-word draft of a Foreign Military Assistance Act, and a 15,000-word explanatory report by the State Department. Together they were known as M.A.P. It would give the President power to send military aid to any nation, and the cost was estimated at $1,450,000,000.
Atlantic Pact Defense Plan.
A meeting of the Foreign Ministers of the North Atlantic pact countries was also held in Washington. They organized themselves into a council to work out the details of their mutual co-operation under the alliance. The United States Joint Chiefs of Staff and the military leaders and their aides of the North Atlantic pact countries met during the summer in London, Paris, and Frankfurt to talk over the kind of military organization which should be set up under the alliance. The meetings were secret and carefully guarded. The United States representatives were General Omar N. Bradley of the Army, General Hoyt S. Vandenberg of the Air Force, and Admiral Louis E. Denfeld of the Navy, together with John J. McCloy, United States High Commissioner for Germany.
Toward the end of the year the defense chiefs of the 12 North Atlantic pact countries agreed unanimously on a defense plan for Western Europe which assigned the task of intercontinental bombing to the United States in case of attack. The plan would bring the combined strength of the forces of all the 12 nations into action if any one of them were attacked. They also agreed on co-ordination 'of planning between various regional groups,' which appeared to indicate that the five-nation Western European Union would be regarded as a subsidiary of the pact against Russia. Approval of this plan by President Truman and Secretary Acheson would mean an almost immediate flow of arms and equipment from the United States to Western Europe's underequipped forces. Most of the $1-billion American military aid program had been blocked until such an agreement could be reached.
FAR EAST
Korea.
The first official act of President Truman in 1949 was the granting of full recognition to the American-supported government in Southern Korea. This did not mean, however, that all American troops would be immediately withdrawn from that country. Dr. Syngman Rhee, President of the Republic, had asked that American forces remain there until Southern Korea had a police force able to cope with any future Communist threat from the Soviet Union, and this was promised by the United States. At the same time the United States mission there was raised to embassy rank.
China.
In his budget message at the beginning of the year President Truman recommended that aid to China be cut to $49 million. Many thought that this amounted to deserting China in her most critical hour. William C. Bullitt, who had been sent on a special mission to China to check on American aid, was firmly convinced that such economic and military aid would delay, but not prevent, further Communist advances there. He believed that China could still be saved if the United States entered the picture whole-heartedly, and he urged Congress to appropriate $800 million for China, chiefly in military aid.
But the uncertain policy of the United States toward China had caused considerable apprehension in some quarters. Fifty-one Republican Congressmen wrote to President Truman, demanding clear answers to specific questions on the matter. In his reply Secretary Acheson declared that the United States must 'wait until the dust settles' before announcing a definite policy, but he did criticize the Nationalist government under Chiang Kai-shek as corrupt and inefficient.
The White Paper.
The mounting gains of the Communists against Nationalist China seemed to make it imperative that the United States adopt a new policy toward China and the whole Far East. Secretary Acheson indicated that a thorough review of United States policy in that part of the world would soon be made. The whole situation was reviewed in a State Department White Paper on China, which explained the reasons for stopping American aid to the Nationalists. This White Paper contained 400 pages of narrative text, 600 pages of documentation, and a 15-page statement by Secretary Acheson. It made public the long-secret report by Lieutenant General Albert Wedemeyer, which admitted the inadequacy of United States aid. As a result, it was conceded that China was lost to the Communists and that further American aid could not be expected, but the Communists were warned not to attempt aggression beyond China. Republicans condemned the White Paper as a 'face-saving device' to cover administration failures in China, and many Democrats joined in this criticism. At any rate, a new policy was definitely being shaped, which might lead to Communist recognition.
Angus Ward.
The United States vigorously protested to the Communist government of China over the imprisonment of Angus Ward, the American consul general at Mukden, as well as other American diplomatic and consular officials, even though the United States had not yet officially recognized the Communist government. Ward and four other aides had been charged with beating a Chinese worker, but the State Department considered the charges absurd and demanded the release of the men. The demands were ignored at first, even though they were made at about the time the United States was considering recognition of the Communist regime. Finally, after Acheson had appealed to some twenty other nations to intervene, Ward was released and ordered out of China.
Nationalist Blockade.
At the same time the United States also protested to the Nationalist regime over the gunning of an American merchantman by a Nationalist warship. The only real significance of this incident was that it raised the question of future relations between the Nationalists and the United States.
India.
An interesting sidelight on the whole question of Russian aggression in the Far and Middle East was the visit to the United States of the Prime Minister of India, Jawaharlal Nehru, who received a warm reception when he arrived in Washington and also on his extended tour of the country. The United States hoped that Nehru could be counted on as a bulwark against further Communist expansion in Asia, although Nehru stated emphatically that his country would join no alliance with either side of the conflict at the present, but would act for the complete good of India itself. There was a feeling that the United States should help India with a program of technical and financial aid.
OTHER ISSUES
Anglo-American Finance Talks.
In September, delegates from the United States, Great Britain, and Canada met in Washington for the purpose of discussing Anglo-American finance with a view to closing Britain's dollar gap. John Snyder, Secretary of the Treasury, and Paul G. Hoffman, administrator of the Economic Co-operation Administration, represented the United States. Britain sent Chancellor of the Exchequer Sir Stafford Cripps and Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin. Minister of Finance Douglas C. Abbott and Foreign Secretary Lester B. Pearson represented Canada. After nearly two weeks of meetings the delegates issued a statement which listed agreement on various items. Among other things the United States and Canada agreed that they would buy more raw materials from British areas in the Far East, and England was allowed to use some of her Marshall Plan money to buy Canadian wheat.
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