1939: Ireland (Eire)

The decision to remain aloof from the war between Great Britain and Germany overshadowed all other 1939 developments in Eire. Although sympathy for Poland as a Catholic country caused the Irish people to be far more pro-British than in 1914, the De Valera Government followed a policy of strict neutrality from the outbreak of the conflict. This policy received full approval in the Dail Erieann on Sept. 2. In a speech before the Senate before obtaining this approval, Premier De Valera declared that while the sympathies of Ireland were on the side of Britain, the partition of the Island was a stumbling block to any wholehearted cooperation.

Neutrality Issue.

Enforcement of neutrality presents many grave difficulties. Although neutral, Eire remains a part of the British Commonwealth of Nations. It is more dependent than ever on the continuation of its trade with Britain. This trade can be carried on only under the protection of the British fleet. Should German submarine warfare be intensified to the point where it threatens Britain's food supply, serious difficulties may easily arise between Eire and Germany regarding the continuation of trade between Ireland and England. Already Germany has indicated that it considers the cessation of trade between Ireland and the Reich an unneutral act. Eire also suffers in other ways because of its proximity to the war zone. An official protest was filed with the United States State Department on Nov. 13, 1930, against designating Irish waters as a 'combat zone' from which American ships are barred by the Neutrality Act. It was held that American ships had proceeded to Ireland regularly from the outbreak of the war until President Roosevelt's proclamation of the combat area, and that no incidents had occurred or seemed likely to occur. Despite this protest, the American ruling was maintained. Except for blackouts and the introduction of a rationing system for gasoline, everyday life in Ireland has not been directly affected by the war.

Bomb Outrages.

The partition question, which was the cause of such sharp conflict between Eire and Britain in 1938, continued as a disturbing influence through 1939. But circumstances caused the issue to be a factor for cooperation rather than hostility between the two countries. This rather paradoxical development was the result of terrorist campaigns by the Irish Republican Army. Beginning in January and continuing throughout the year, a series of bomb outrages occurred in London, Liverpool, Birmingham, Manchester and Belfast, which were blamed on the I. R. A. Most of the explosions did little damage, but a number of casualties occurred during the course of the year. Each of the three governments concerned — those of Great Britain, Northern Ireland, and Eire — took drastic action against terrorist activities.

Measures against Terrorist Activities.

Eire was first to act. On Feb. 8, two bills giving the Government extraordinary powers were introduced in the Dail. The first of these, called the Treason Act, prescribed the death penalty for persons guilty of treason as defined in Article XXXIX of the Irish Constitution. This penalty applies whether the act was committed within or outside the boundaries of the State. The second measure, called the Offenses against the State Act, made it possible for extremists to be interned without trial, and conferred elaborate powers of search, arrest, and detention upon the Civic Guards. It also declared seditious any suggestion in a newspaper or magazine that the elected Government of Ireland is not the lawful government. The I. R. A. was declared to be an illegal organization. The Senate approved the Offenses against the State Act on May 31, with the Labor Party alone dissenting, and it was put into effect after having been signed by President Douglas Hyde.

When the severe sentences handed out to those convicted of the early bomb outrages failed to prevent their recurrence, Great Britain also adopted emergency legislation to deal with the situation. With a view to stopping the wave of bombings, a special measure known as the Prevention of Violence Act, was passed by Parliament and given royal assent on July 28. Under this act, British subjects entering England from abroad who were suspected of being plotters were made subject to immediate deportation by the police without the necessity of trial. Within a few hours after the passage of the Act, suspects were being rounded up and deported. Scores of Irish fled to avoid deportation. Despite these precautions, the bombings continued through November in widely scattered parts of the country.

The Government of Northern Ireland proved somewhat more successful in stopping the outrages. Bolstered by the exceptional powers conferred in the Special Powers Act, Prime Minister Craigavon took drastic precautions against I. R. A. activities. The Constabulary was strengthened and the reserve enlarged in preparation for any emergency. Early in September the Ulster Government arrested forty members of the outlawed I. R. A. and placed them in concentration camps, where they were still being held at the end of the year.

The measures taken by the Eire Government to check I. R. A. extremists provoked a grave situation in November when four of the Republicans held in prison for political activities staged a hunger strike. The strikers were Patrick McGrath of Dublin, Richard McCarthy and John Lynch of Clonakilty, Cork, and Jeremiah Daly of Cork. Not since the death of Lord Mayor Terence MacSwiney of Cork in Brixton jail, London, in 1920, has there been a Republican death on a hunger strike. Although Premier De Valera declared before the Dail on Nov. 9 that the Government chose to let the men die rather than 'impair the safety of the State as a whole,' McGrath and Daly were released on Nov. 15, and McCarthy and Lynch were taken to a military hospital. On Dec. 1, Justice Gavan Duffy ordered the release of a Republican prisoner on the grounds that the Offenses against the State Act had been illegally applied. On the following day the Government released 54 untried prisoners whom it had been holding under the Act.

Abandonment of Conscription for Northern Ireland.

An open break between Eire and the United Kingdom was averted on May 4 when Prime Minister Chamberlain announced that the British Government's plan to extend the draft to young men of eligible age in Northern Ireland would be dropped. The preliminary announcement at the end of April that Northern Ireland would be included had aroused bitter opposition throughout Eire, as well as among Nationalist sympathizers in Northern Ireland, Speaking before the Dail on May 2, Premier De Valera declared that, while 'lawyers might argue that Britain has a right to do this since Northern Ireland is a part of the United Kingdom . . . we . . . regard (it) as an act of aggression.' The speed with which the British Government retreated from its position in the face of De Valera's opposition was regarded as a personal triumph for Eire's Premier. In taking its action, Britain seemed to be recognizing for the first time that Ireland was a unit and that the Eire Government had the right, on some issues at least, to speak for the entire Ireland. While it was doubtful whether Mr. Chamberlain meant to go as far as this in making his momentous concession, there can be no question that De Valera's hand was greatly strengthened. And whatever may be the long-run effects of the concession, the immediate effect was to strengthen cordial relations between the British and Irish Governments. The action undoubtedly had much to do with securing a benevolent neutrality rather than open enmity in the war that broke out less than four months later.

Mayor of Dublin.

In the only political change of importance in 1939, Mrs. Tom Clarke was chosen to be Lord Mayor of Dublin by one vote over Alderman Paedar Doyle on June 27. Mrs. Clarke, widow of the initial signatory of the 1916 'Proclamation of the Republic,' is the first woman to hold the position. Her election gave Mr. De Valera's party, the Fianna Fail, control of this important post for the first time. Her predecessor, Alderman Alfred Byrne, had hold the position for nine years. It was Mr. Byrne's vote which broke the tie and gave the victory to Mrs. Clarke. On assuming office Mrs. Clarke refused to wear the traditional robes which she characterized as 'red rags from the British period, as is the charter of Dublin.'

Defense Measures.

The Cabinet was shaken up on Sept. 15, in connection with the declaration of a state of emergency to meet conditions arising as a result of the war. Premier De Valera entrusted the coordination of the civil and military defenses of the State to Frank Aiken, former Minister of Defense. As Minister of Army Defense, the Premier named Oscar Traynor, previously Minister of Posts and Telegraphs. Sean F. Lemass, former head of the Department of Industry and Commerce, was designated Minister of Supplies. Deputy Premier Sean O'Kelly was transferred from the Ministry of Local Government to the Ministry of Finance, and Sean MacEntee from the Ministry of Finance to the post of Minister of Industry and Commerce. Patrick Ruttledge was shifted from the Ministry of Justice to Local Government, and Gerald Roland, previously Minister of Lands, was made Minister of Justice. Almost simultaneously, orders were issued establishing censorship of the press and creating an auxiliary police force.

The year saw a marked increase in expenditures for defense. Reporting before the Dail on Feb. 15, Defense Minister Frank Aiken disclosed that £5,500,000 would be spent on the purchase of war materials, the home production of ammunition, and the building of airfields. The regular army was raised from 7,000 to 8,000 men, to which are added 5,000 reserves and 17,000 volunteers. The annual budget outlay for the army was raised to £2,250,000. Compulsory air raid precautions were also announced. The £5,500,000 defense program was passed by the Dail on Feb. 16 by a vote of 62 to 39 despite vigorous opposition from both the Cosgrave and Labor parties. As part of this program $10,000,000 worth of munitions were ordered in the United States.

Tax Increases.

Partly as a result of the defense program a considerable increase in taxes was imposed in the 1939-40 budget. The income tax was raised one shilling on the pound (5 per cent), making it 5s. 6d. to the pound. Surtaxes and special taxes on high incomes were also raised, as was the duty on tobacco. The budget, as introduced into the Dail on May 10, totalled £32,522,000 and had an estimated surplus of £11,000. Increased expenses and reduced revenues resulting from the war soon upset these rather optimistic budget estimates, with the result that a supplementary budget was introduced on Nov. 8. The supplementary budget increased the income tax another shilling to the pound, making the rate 6s. 6d. to the pound. Surtaxes and estate duties were further increased, and heavy additional taxes were levied on beer and whiskey. By dint of these new taxes, estimated by the new Finance Minister Sean O'Kelly to yield £603,000 and by £400,000 saved in economies, the Government hopes to make up the better part of an expected deficit of £1,620,000. The remainder will be carried over to the 1940-1941 fiscal year.

Irish Pavilion at New York World's Fair.

As a result of the critical situation arising from the I. R. A. bombings and the European war, Premier De Valera was compelled twice to postpone his projected visit to the United States. The Premier, who had been scheduled to open the Irish pavilion at the New York World's Fair on May 13, first announced cancellation of the visit on April 27. It was announced at the time of the appointment of Sean O'Kelly as Deputy Premier, that De Valera would make the trip in October. Arrangements were made for a Sept. 21 sailing. On Sept. 8 a second cancellation was announced as a result of the European War. His place was taken by Deputy Premier O'Kelly who arrived in New York City on the day of the dedication of the pavilion.

Extension of Gaelic.

Illustrative of one of the long campaigns to return its old Gaelic culture to Ireland is the announcement in mid-summer that the proportion of Irish-speaking persons in Eire had increased from 19.3 per cent in the census of 1926 to 23 per cent in the census of 1936. The increase was greatest among children under 15 years of age and reflected the policy of compulsory teaching of Irish in the schools. Credit for the revival of Gaelic is given chiefly to President Hyde, a noted Gaelic scholar.