1939: India

Early in January 1939, the more moderate policies of Mohandas K. Gandhi, the dominant figure in India, received a setback in the re-election of Subhas Chandra Bose as President of the Congress Party, which now controls eight out of the eleven provinces of British India. The re-election of Bose, leader of the left-wing faction, caused a split in the ranks of the Congress Party, and Jawaharlal Nehru, prominent socialist member, although in sympathy with some of Bose's views, resigned out of loyalty to Gandhi.

Before the convening of the plenary session of the Congress Party at Tripuri on March 11, India watched with interest and alarm the struggle between the Mahatma and Shri Dharmendrasinhji, ruler of the minor state of Rajkot, over the granting of democratic reforms in the domain of the latter. On March 3, Gandhi announced that he would not touch any more food until the reforms had been granted, and began a 'fast unto death.' While Gandhi fasted, all India prayed and business in the larger cities came practically to a standstill. The fast was not ended until March 7, when the aged leader consented to sip some orange juice, after receiving assurances from the Viceroy, Lord Linlithgow, that a council would be set up in Rajkot, the purpose of which would be to suggest ways and means of introducing a democratic form of government.

Meeting of the All-India Congress.

At the All-India Congress meeting at Tripuri, on March 11 there were stormy scenes when Jawaharlal Nehru proposed a resolution subjecting Bose to the jurisdiction of Gandhi. The resolution was finally carried. Bose was ill at the time of the meeting and did not attend, but a resolution sponsored by him and presented by his representative, proposed that the Congress submit India's demand for independence to the British Government in the form of an ultimatum, setting a time limit and threatening 'such sanctions as we possess.' Nehru spoke strongly against the resolution. As finally adopted, the resolution rejected the Government of India Act of 1935, announced its determination to end it, and called for independence through a constitution framed by a popular assembly, 'free from interference of foreign authority.' Resolutions also were passed condemning British foreign policy, welcoming the Wafdist delegation to the Congress from Egypt, and expressing sympathy for China in her present sufferings. One resolution passed at the end of the session hailed 'the awakening of the people in the Native States as a hopeful sign of coming freedom for which the congresses have labored.' The Congress proclaimed its right and duty to guide and lead the Indian people to the complete independence of India. All Congress organizations were urged to work for unity in Indian affairs and to avoid divisive internal quarrels. Ample evidence that there were serious differences among various factions of the Congress Party was furnished in the closing sessions by the display of sectional bitterness and lack of forceful and competent leadership.

Federal Plan for All India.

A few days after the convening of the Congress Party at Tripuri, the Native Princes met at New Delhi, and heard the Viceroy, who presided, discuss the Federal Plan for All India, on which he had been working. This plan, envisaged in the Government of India Act, would provide for a central legislative body drawing together India's self-governing provinces and the states ruled by the Native Princes, in something approaching Dominion status. Lord Linlithgow warned the Princes that reforms must come in their domains; that absentee rule must end; and that the spending of State revenues for private pleasure must be curbed. The Princes, who are opposed to conceding the principle of popular representation in their states, replied to the Viceroy a few days later, stating that before they could consent to federation they must be assured of certain powers within their own domains; and denied the right of outsiders to dictate policies to them.

While both the Native Princes and the Congress Party oppose the Federal Plan, these and other groups have been reminded that the early achievement of freedom for India will depend upon Indian unity in agreeing upon what form that independence shall take. There are many racial and minority groups in India, all of whose rights the British Government feels bound to protect. While the Congress claims the right to speak for all the people of India, it is to be noted that although Moslems took part in the Tripuri meeting, it was clear that the Congress did not speak for the 90,000,000 people of that creed, nor for the 12,000,000 Sikhs, nor for various other minority groups. In spite of opposition to federation however, the Viceroy announced in March that actual progress had been made and that in some provinces, parts of the plan were already working. However on Oct. 18, the Viceroy announced that, owing to the outbreak of war in Europe plans for federation, which had been well advanced, would have to be abandoned temporarily.

Dissension in the Congress Party.

In April the differences between the right and left wings of the Congress Party reached a crisis when Gandhi and Bose were unable to reach an agreement on membership in the important Working Committee of the party. Bose thereupon resigned as President and was succeeded by Rajendra Prasad.

International Labor Office Report.

In May the International Labor Office of the League of Nations announced in a report on India, that as a result of an agreement reached between landowners and farmhands, what had amounted to a system of serfdom in the Bardoli District of Gujerat had been ended by the freeing of 40,000 farm workers. Under the old system a man who borrowed a sum of money from a landowner paid off the debt by working as a laborer in return for food, clothing, shelter and the payment of 1½ to 2 rupees a month (about seventy cents). Under the new system, a worker receives a regular daily wage, and at the end of twelve years the debt is considered repaid.

Stand in European War.

When the European War broke out in September, the question that faced the Congress Party was what part India would play in the conflict. While sympathizing with Great Britain and France in their fight against European aggression, it was felt, as Nehru put it in a speech at Chungking, China, where he was on a visit, that while India would not refuse to fight with England against Germany, 'we want to be free to make our own choice. . . . Right now, we are in a position in which we would be asked to fight for democracy when we do not have democracy ourselves.' Later, Mohandas Gandhi asked for a clear statement of Britain's war aims, and, shortly afterward, without making threats, he demanded that Britain make the independence of India one of those aims. The Congress Party, following his lead voted not to support Britain unless India was promised freedom. Many of the Indian Princes, however, immediately offered their loyalty and resources to the King-Emperor. This demand for full democratic freedom by the Congress Party, which, it is claimed, embodies the hopes of all India, is offset by the attitude of the Moslem League, second largest political party in India, which endorsed the British stand refusing immediate freedom for India, declaring, through their leader, Jinnah, that the Moslem minority would not get fair treatment in a national assembly election the first step toward giving Indians control of the Federal Government. There is also little doubt that the rulers of the Native States would offer stiff resistance if a new, far-reaching democratic system were to be inaugurated immediately. There are also minority groups in the country who are opposed to the Congress Party's leadership; and even some Hindus claim the Congress Party does not speak for them.

Action on the Status of India Deferred by Great Britain.

During September and early October, the Viceroy conferred with Gandhi, Bose, Nehru and Jinnah, head of the Moslem League, in an effort to arrive at a solution of the difficulties which had arisen. The situation had become very tense when, on Oct. 18, the Viceroy reaffirmed that while 'Dominion status, achieved by constitutional changes, is the natural destiny of India,' had been authorized to state that Britain must defer action on Dominion status for India until after the war. The official document containing this pronouncement, dated Oct. 22, is known as the White Paper. Deeply disappointed and bitterly resentful, the Working Committee of the Congress Party on Oct. 22 directed the resignation of the eight Provincial Governments under its control, in protest over Britain's stand. The Government did not waver, however, in spite of sharp criticism by the Labor Party of its India policy, and when on Nov. 3, Congress Ministers in the United Provinces of Bihat and Madras resigned, the Governor accepted the resignation of that Provincial Ministry and prepared to take over the administration himself. Before the end of the year, the Ministries in all of the eight Provinces under Congress Party control had resigned and announced a policy of non-cooperation. On Nov. 5, the Viceroy declared in a broadcast to the entire country, that his attempts at a peaceful settlement had failed, and that he was therefore left with no choice but to use his emergency powers in the Congress-controlled provinces. He said, however, he would continue his efforts for a friendly adjustment of differences 'to the end that we may achieve our common objectives.'

All through November, Gandhi, speaking for the Congress Party, continued to demand a pledge of India's independence as the price of cooperation in the European War and warned that suspension of the Congress Party's proposed civil disobedience campaign could not be prolonged indefinitely if the deadlock with the British Government continued over India's future. Further efforts for harmony were made by Lord Linlithgow, who declared that 'the difficulties are great, but the necessity of overcoming them is even greater.'

On Dec. 22, the leaders of the Congress Party passed a resolution declaring that 'lasting unity will come (to India) only when foreign rule is completely withdrawn from the country.' Gandhi, speaking before the Working Committee of the party, declared that India 'must sever the British connection'; and the Committee decided to celebrate Jan. 26, 1940, as 'Independence Day.'

On Dec. 27, the first contingent of Indian troops, consisting entirely of Moslems, arrived on French soil to fight in the war against Germany.

Internal Dissension.

Riots occurred throughout the year between Moslems and Hindus. On Aug. 1, the day after the dry law went into effect in Bombay, Moslems on a holiday parade stoned Hindu onlookers, who as followers of Gandhi, supported prohibition legislation. The Moslems, although abstainers on religious grounds, joined the Parsees who controlled the liquor trade of Bombay and were violently opposed to the new law. A serious disturbance occurred also early in November at Sukkur in the northwest province of Sind, when eleven persons were killed in a fight originating over the arrest of Moslems accused of setting fire to Hindu shops. The most serious occurred, however, on Nov. 22, at Gorakphur, United Provinces, when Moslems, offering thanksgiving prayers, objected to a Hindu procession passing their mosque. Fifty people were killed.

On the Northwest Frontier, in August, the Fakir of Ipi went into action again in his 'holy war' against the British, and there was some skirmishing between the British troops and his followers. Serious trouble however, occurred in Waziristan in this same region on Nov. 16, when two British and native detachments were attacked by Waziris near Razmak. Three British soldiers were killed and ten injured. The British have since reinforced their troops in this district, as further trouble was expected from the Fakir and his followers.