1948: United States

A summary of the legislative, judicial, and political events of 1948 in the United States is presented below. Detailed articles on other aspects of the national scene and on the United States in world affairs appear under separate headings.

CONGRESS: REGULAR SESSION

Principal Issues.

The second session of the 80th Congress, which convened Jan. 6, contained 242 Republicans and 186 Democrats in the House, while 51 Republicans and 45 Democrats sat in the Senate.

Inflation.

The main issue which faced the lawmakers was inflation. Each party blamed the other for high prices, and they sharply disagreed on ways and means of checking them; but it was not expected that much more would be done than had already been provided for in the weak anti-inflation measure enacted in the closing days of the first session, which President Truman had signed 'with deep disappointment.' This act called for extension of export and transportation controls, and limitations on the use of grain by distillers; it also provided for voluntary agreements with industry. The President insisted that further legislation must be passed to deal with the 'grave peril' of inflation.

Taxes.

Another important issue which faced Congress was that of taxes. The Republican majority insisted on the necessity of tax cuts to restore the people's purchasing power, while President Truman believed that taxes should be kept high to prevent a federal deficit. These two issues, inflation and taxes, seemed to set the stage for the 1948 session of the 80th Congress.

'State of the Union' Message.

In his State of the Union message to Congress, which he called a blueprint of American progress 'for the next ten years,' President Truman outlined his views on the major domestic issues. It was generally regarded as a broad appeal to the common man. It covered the whole span of immediate issues, such as prices and taxes, as well as long-range issues of social and economic reform. The proposals were attacked by the Republicans as a 'New New Deal.' The President called for a program which would include government allocation, rationing, and price control of critical commodities, and authority to re-enforce wage ceilings. He also proposed a tax measure costing 3.2 billion dollars a year in federal revenues, to provide a straight cut of 40 dollars for each taxpayer and each dependent. To cover the cost of the cut, he recommended that corporation profits taxes be increased to about 50 per cent. Other items proposed by the President included the expansion of social security, compulsory health insurance, a federal housing program, federal aid to state education, conservation and reclamation projects, a farm program, and an increase in minimum wages from 40 to 75 cents an hour.

Foreign Policy.

The administration's views on foreign policy were presented by Secretary of State George C. Marshall before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. After a 5,000-word statement the Secretary attempted to answer the questions put to him by the Committee, which criticized the basic purposes and structure of the European Recovery Program. Some feared that it would not effectively stop communism, and that Europe did not really need the help of the United States, although Marshall insisted that real peace depended upon the restoration of Europe's economy. The cost, according to Marshall, would be 6.8 billion dollars for the first 15 months of the program, from Apr. 1, 1948, to June 30, 1949, and that the over-all cost would be about 17.8 billions until June 30, 1952. According to the Secretary, it was vital that the plan get under way by Apr. 1. Marshall declared that the plan would not deprive any participating nation of its sovereignty. Furthermore, a supervisory agency, to be known as the European Co-operation Administration, should be under the general direction of the State Department. 'There cannot be two Secretaries of State,' he insisted.

Republican Proposals.

The Republican Congress itself had several proposals which it intended to introduce. One measure, which it hoped to enact speedily, was the tax-reduction bill which in December had been introduced by Representative Harold Knutson of Minnesota. It would cut taxes about 6.5 billion dollars through rate reduction and personal exemption increases. This bill, following a Democratic proposal to substitute a bill including higher corporate levies to offset part of the revenue loss, was passed in the second session by an overwhelming vote of 297 to 120, which would be more than enough to override a Presidential veto. Naturally the vote was on strictly party lines. It was opposed by one Republican, while only eight Democrats, except for Southerners, favored it. However, the bill was expected to be considerably modified in the Senate. The measure proposed a reduction in federal revenues of 6.5 billion dollars, and would also take 7,400,000 low-income taxpayers off the tax rolls. It also applied the community-property principle to all states, and would cut all taxes on a sliding scale from 30 to 10 per cent. Special exemptions were provided for the aged and the blind. Other proposals included an antilynching bill, rent control with a 15 per cent 'voluntary' increase, universal military training, and various forms of economic controls. It was not expected, however, that all would be enacted.

Budget Message and Economic Report.

While Congress was preparing to consider legislation, the President submitted two important documents for its study. One was the budget for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1949, a volume of 1,534 pages weighing 6¬ lb. The second was the 153-page Economic Report of the President, which indicated an annual output of 231 billion dollars. Anticipating a federal income of 44.5 billions, the President proposed expenditures of 39.7 billions, to be divided as follows among the major items: 11 billions for defense, 7 billions for international commitments, 6 billions for veterans, 5 billions for interest on the debt, and 1.3 billions for various domestic projects. He recommended that 4.8 billions surplus should be applied on the retirement of the 256-billion-dollar public debt.

Civil Rights.

President's Proposals.

Acting on the report of his Committee on Civil Rights, which had submitted its findings the previous November in a 178-page document entitled To Secure These Rights, President Truman, in a report to Congress in February, recommended legislation to safeguard these rights. The South immediately took exception not only to the President's recommendations, but also to the findings of the 15-man committee, headed by Charles E. Wilson of the General Electric Company. The President's proposals recommended (1) establishment of a permanent commission on civil rights to review policies and practices and make recommendations to the President; a joint committee in Congress handling such matters; and a separate division on such affairs in the Department of Justice; (2) a law making lynching a federal offense; (3) abolition of the 'white primary' and poll tax; (4) creation of a Fair Employment Practice Commission to end race discrimination in labor; and (5) an end to 'Jim Crow' practices in transportation, restaurants, and schools.

Congressional Reaction.

A storm of protest immediately arose from leading Southerners. Senator James O. Eastland of Mississippi charged that the President was attempting to 'mongrelize' the South. Representative Ed Gossett of Texas declared that Truman was 'kissing the feet of minorities.' There was even some talk of denying Mr. Truman the 127 electoral votes of the South if he were a candidate again. The Republicans, of course, made capital of the issue. Senator Irving M. Ives of New York proposed a bill creating a permanent F.E.P.C., and an antilynching bill was also introduced. The latter passed the House Judiciary Committee by a vote of 18 to 8. Recognizing the fact that there had been 4,717 lynchings in the United States in the past 65 years, the bill would impose a 24-year prison term or a 10,000-dollar fine on any person convicted of organizing, inciting, or participating in a lynching. It would also prescribe a 5-year prison term and a 5,000-dollar fine for a public officer who failed to act in prevention of a lynching. The bill to create a permanent F.E.P.C. and an antipoll-tax bill also were approved by Senate committees, but no action was taken on abolishing 'Jim Crow' practices in schools, transportation, and restaurants.

European Recovery Program.

Interim Aid.

In the closing days of the first session the interim-aid bill, authorizing 570 million dollars for the rehabilitation of foreign nations, had been passed. Representative John Taber of New York, chairman of the House Appropriations Committee, had tried unsuccessfully to have the original figure of 597 millions reduced to 509 millions, cutting China off entirely, but the Senate had restored most of the reduction. As a result of compromise between the two houses, 522 millions were allotted to France, Italy, and Austria; a token of 18 millions was allotted to China; and 342 millions, aside from relief and rehabilitation, were authorized for occupation expenses.

Hearings.

Shortly after the beginning of the second session, the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and the House Foreign Affairs Committee began hearings on the long-range program for European recovery. Thirty-seven witnesses were heard as they gave 500,000 words of testimony. Among them was the 'elder statesman,' Bernard M. Baruch, who urged that the United States should buy all excess non-perishable raw materials from anywhere in the world, for the purpose of encouraging production. He also proposed an anti-inflation program of 'self-restraint' and 'sacrifice' for the United States, including postponement of tax cuts for two years, partial restoration of excess profits taxes, cuts in farm prices, and stabilization of wages. Another 'elder statesman' witness was former President Herbert Hoover, who criticized almost every provision of the E.R.P. He believed aid should be extended to Japan, Korea, and China, as well as to Europe, and thought that it should be administered by a bipartisan group, not by the State Department. He favored limiting the commitments to 15 months, and felt that a maximum of 3 billion dollars in 'relief' and 1 billion dollars in loans should be provided.

The Senate Foreign Relations Committee finally gave its unanimous approval to an E.R.P. bill which differed from the recommendations of the President in amount, administration, and conditions of aid, although it substantially met the President's request. The Committee scaled down the original request from 6.8 billion dollars for 15 months to 5.3 billion dollars for 12 months. A plan was also devised for an independent administrator at 20,000 dollars per year, directly responsible to the President. He would be assisted by a bipartisan advisory board of 12 persons not otherwise connected with the government. There would also be a 25,000-dollar-a-year ambassador-at-large, and a 14-member committee from both Houses of Congress to watch over the program. The Committee also favored a union of Western Powers receiving aid, and would discontinue aid if such countries fell under the influence of communism. Hearings on the proposed bill were scheduled to begin early in March, with the hope of its proponents that aid could get under way by Apr. 1, the deadline established by Secretary Marshall. Senator Vandenberg was hopeful, but cautious, while Representative Charles A. Eaton of New Jersey, chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, was doubtful that such quick action could be taken.

Aid to China.

No provision for aid to China had been made in the original E.R.P. It was charged by many Republicans that the policy of Mr. Truman's administration was one of neglect toward that country, although Secretary Marshall earlier had promised Congress a specific program of Chinese aid. President Truman rather belatedly sent Congress a special message asking for an appropriation of 570 million dollars, most of which would go for consumer goods and the balance for certain reconstruction projects. The President was not hopeful, however, that such aid would accomplish much unless China undertook internal reforms. Secretary Marshall appeared before the House Foreign Affairs Committee shortly afterward and explained what he thought should be the necessary action toward China. He insisted that a basis of government should be developed in China which would not be restricted to a small group, that waste and corruption should be eliminated, and that active, definite consideration should be given to the land problems of the peasantry. He recounted the forms of military help which already had been extended to China, and made it clear that Mr. Truman's plan was as far as the administration would go. Real recovery, he said, could only be accomplished by China herself. Lieutenant General A. C. Wedemeyer also testified before the committee in favor of the 570-million-dollar aid program for China, but he contended that the Chinese Nationalists needed military as well as economic help against the Communists. He warned: 'If we don't take appropriate steps all over the world to stop this conflagration, we are going to pay in blood. We must have military support and protection of our economic investments.'

Aid to Greece and Turkey.

The President also submitted a progress report on the Greek-Turkish aid program, which indicated that the Truman Doctrine for those two countries had not been completely successful. More money, he said, was needed for military purposes, in order to 'contain communism.' Secretary Marshall appeared before the House Foreign Affairs Committee and asserted that 275 million dollars were needed in new military assistance to Greece and Turkey. Without such aid, he said, the Communists would be able to use damaging propaganda against the United States.

On Mar. 1 Senator Vandenberg, chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and the leading Republican exponent of the bipartisan policy, introduced a bill known as the Economic Co-operation Act of 1948. It called for 5.3 billion dollars in aid to 16 nations for a 12-month period. In a two-hour speech Vandenberg contended that such a program would help to stop World War III before it began. Drastic amendments to the bill were immediately proposed by some 20 Republican 'revisionists,' including such influential leaders as Acting Majority Leader Kenneth S. Wherry of Nebraska and Joseph H. Ball of Minnesota.

Debates.

In the debates which followed, some of the most heated arguments ever to be heard on the Senate floor took place. Senator Vandenberg bore the brunt of the responsibility. Opponents of the measure used varying delaying tactics; Vandenberg was literally deluged with a flood of questions, such as those from Missouri's James Kem and Minnesota's Joseph Ball. The latter even proposed an amendment to the E.R.P. which would direct the President to begin immediate negotiations with whatever members of the U.N. would join the United States in a program designed to stop aggression. The amendment was not pressed, but it was feared that the delay might be fatal.

Enactment.

The Economic Co-operation Act was finally passed by the Senate, Mar. 15, in substantially the form in which Senator Vandenberg proposed it. Just previously, by a vote of 56 to 31, Senator Taft's amendment to reduce the amount of the aid to 4 billion dollars was defeated. On the final vote the division was 69 to 17, with 31 Republicans and 38 Democrats supporting the act. The House, however, delayed further action for another two weeks. Nevertheless, the Apr. 1 deadline was missed by only one day. Just before final passage on Apr. 2, an attempt was made to include Spain in the program, but was blocked. The final House vote on the amended measure was 318 to 75, and the Senate gave it its overwhelming approval by a voice vote. The President signed it Apr. 3. The Foreign Assistance Act of 1948, as it was finally called, extended economic aid to 16 European nations through June 1952. For the first year 5.3 billion dollars were available. The program was to be handled by an independent Economic Co-operation Administration responsible to the President. Trade barriers would be eliminated, and currencies of the recipient nations stabilized. China would receive during the year 338 million dollars in economic aid, and military aid to the extent of 125 million dollars, while Greece and Turkey would be granted 275 million dollars.

Appointments of Hoffman and Harriman.

The man chosen by the President to head the program was Paul G. Hoffman, president of the Studebaker Corporation. He would be assisted and advised by a $17,500-a-year deputy. The Secretaries of the Treasury, of State, and of Commerce, and the heads of the Federal Reserve System and the Export-Import Bank would form the National Advisory Council on Fiscal Problems. The President was also directed to appoint a 12-man Public Advisory Board. A special representative would be appointed to interpret the program to the European countries. Secretary of Commerce W. Averell Harriman was chosen ambassador-at-large.

Anti-inflation Legislation.

In order to cope with the mounting problem of inflation, the Republicans early introduced in Congress bills partially covering some of the Truman proposals. Senator Ralph Flanders of Vermont and Representative Jacob E. Javits of New York jointly introduced a bill authorizing the President to set up meat rationing on 30 days' notice. At the same time, Senators Irving M. Ives of New York and Raymond E. Baldwin of Connecticut introduced a bill to extend rent controls and 'voluntary' 15 per cent hikes for an additional sixteen months, and to cut residential hotel rates to the level of July 1.

Rent Control.

After debate and delay, a stop-gap rent-control measure, extending the existing controls for 30 days, was approved by both houses, and on Mar. 25 Congress passed the Housing and Rent Control Act of 1948, extending the controls through Mar. 31, 1949. The act continued the 15 per cent voluntary increase in the former law, but decontrolled certain types of units, particularly nonhousekeeping rooms in private homes. It also gave relief to landlords in certain hardship cases, and provided for evictions in 60 days for remodeling purposes or for use by the landlord's family. The measure was signed by the President on Mar. 30.

Tax Reduction.

Meanwhile the tax bill was receiving some consideration. The Senate Finance Committee, by a vote of 10 to 1, agreed to a 4.8-billion dollar reduction in taxes, in contrast to the House-approved figure of 6.5 billions. The two versions of the bill were similar in certain respects: both increased personal exemptions from 500 dollars to 600 dollars; they also allowed for a 'community property' provision to permit married couples to split their incomes for tax purposes. The Senate bill, however, would cut taxes 12.6 per cent on incomes under $2,000; 7.4 per cent on incomes between $2,000 and $136,719; 5 per cent on the rest. It would also be retroactive to Jan. 1. The House bill provided for a cut of 30 per cent on incomes less than $1,000; 30 to 20 per cent between $1,000 and $1,400; 20 per cent between $1,400 and $4,000; and 10 per cent above $4,000. The Senate version was passed on Mar. 22 by a vote of 78 to 11. It was favored by every Republican present, plus 30 Democrats. On Mar. 24 the House accepted the Senate version, 289 to 67. All Republicans present but one, and 84 Democrats, gave their assent. As expected, President Truman vetoed the measure. His reason was that such reduction was unwise at a time when more was needed for defense and foreign aid. He also feared that the bill would increase the danger of further inflation by increasing civilian purchasing power. He felt that it would also benefit the rich at the expense of the needy, and would also drive the government further into debt. But Congress thought otherwise; in 38 minutes the House overrode the veto, 311 to 88, and in 78 minutes the Senate did likewise, 77 to 10; 84 Democrats in the House voted with the majority, and 27 in the Senate.

Un-American Activities.

Un-American activities came in for a large share of Congress' attention.

Condon Case.

The House Committee on Un-American Activities held a hearing at which Dr. Edward U. Condon, Director of the National Bureau of Standards and a nuclear physicist associated with the Manhattan District Project and the Atomic Energy Commission, was asked to testify on certain charges involving his loyalty. J. Parnell Thomas, chairman of the Un-American Activities Committee, charged that Condon had associated himself with individuals suspected of disloyalty to the United States, and that consequently certain important 'leaks' had occurred. Thomas later subpoenaed Secretary W. Averell Harriman of the Commerce Department and certain records on Dr. Condon, but the Secretary refused to honor the summons on the grounds that the publication of the files would be 'prejudicial to the public interest.' In the end Condon was cleared of the charges. Thomas' request for a 200,000-dollar appropriation for his committee was granted.

Mundt-Nixon Bill.

One of the most controversial measures before Congress was the Mundt-Nixon bill, designed 'to protect the United States against un-American and subversive activities.' Introduced by Congressmen Karl E. Mundt of South Dakota and Richard M. Nixon of California, the bill would require that 'Communist political organizations' and 'Communist-front organizations' register and file annual reports with the Attorney General on a form to be 'prescribed by him by regulations.' A register would be kept for public inspection. The maximum penalty for an officer failing to register would be a fine of $5,000 and imprisonment for five years. The bill also declared illegal any actions by any person or organization attempting to establish in the United States a totalitarian dictatorship from any foreign power. Such persons would be denied federal employment and passports. Radio programs sponsored by such individuals or organizations would be required to state such facts, and the organizations would also be denied tax exemptions; persons making contributions to them would not be allowed to deduct such contributions in their income tax returns. There were many arguments for and against the measure. Supporters said that it would enable the government to keep an eye on the Communists by driving them into the open, and would have the effect of outlawing the Communist Party. Those who opposed the bill said that some of its provisions were unconstitutional, and that its effect would be to drive the Communists underground. They said that the bill was both unwise and unnecessary in the light of American political experience, and relied on the sense of the common man to reject the types of propaganda and activity which were the main concern. The bill was passed by the House, 319 to 58, but the Senate was not expected to take favorable action. During the Senate Judiciary Committee hearings, William Z. Foster, head of the United States Communist Party, testified against it; so did Henry Wallace. Other opponents represented the American Federation of Labor and the American Civil Liberties Union. Even if the bill had been passed, President Truman would have opposed it; he said the way to offset communism was not by 'passing a law against it,' but by improving the social system. The measure died in committee.

Defense Proposals.

Shortly after President Truman's special message to Congress on world conditions, in which he asked for military and economic programs for checking Russian 'internal and external aggression,' efforts were begun to follow up the President's recommendations. Attempts were made to secure the early approval of selective service and universal military training, and to provide for a 3-billion-dollar expansion program for the armed services. Top administration spokesmen such as Secretary Marshall, Defense Secretary James Forrestal and Navy Secretary John L. Sullivan warned of the country's danger and the need for an adequate defense program. There was little question that the money would be forthcoming, regardless of the amount, but there was considerable opposition to any military training or selective service program. After Congress had disposed of the E.R.P., the way was clear to consider Mr. Truman's defense proposals. He had requested $3,375,000,000 for military expansion. Secretary of Defense Forrestal proposed registration of all men 18 to 44, and induction of those from 19 to 25 for two years' service to increase the military strength from 1,384,000 to 1,734,000. World War II veterans would be exempt. Those in the 18-to-19-year group would be required to take a year's military training, half in basic training and the balance in training chosen by the individual. These proposals were favored by the American Legion and the Veterans of Foreign Wars, while the C.I.O. and Henry Wallace opposed them. The A.F.L. favored the draft, but opposed universal military training.

Air Force Appropriation.

Various defense plans were debated pro and con for nearly two months, and out of a confusion of proposals three definite plans emerged. The administration insisted on universal military training for 850,000 youths of 18 each year, and a draft of men 19 through 25; an Air Force of 66 groups was favored. The House proposal called for a draft of men 19 through 25, but no universal military training; the Air Force would be increased to 70 groups; appropriations to provide for the latter were approved by the House, 343 to 3. The Senate agreed in general with the House plan, but also favored a selective training program for 161,000 18-year-olds each year. The Senate finally approved the appropriations bill, 74 to 2, allotting $3,198,000,000 to get the program started. The House Armed Forces Committee, by a vote of 18 to 5, approved a bill for a two-year draft of men 19 through 25 to raise the armed forces from 1,384,000 to 2,005,000. Such a plan also was favored by the Senate Committee, 7 to 2. A proposal of Senator Richard B. Russell of Georgia, providing for segregation of races, was defeated, but there were hints of a filibuster.

Slow Legislative Progress.

Twelve weeks after the beginning of the second session, the 80th Congress had enacted only two major pieces of legislation — the tax bill and the rent-control measure. As the Republican National Convention approached, it speeded up somewhat in order to adjourn by June 19. When June 1 arrived, 360 bills had been enacted and 21 others had been killed by presidential veto. Nevertheless, only four pieces of legislation could be considered of major importance. Besides the tax and rent-control bills, these included the E.R.P. program and the 70-group Air Force bill. At this juncture it seemed questionable whether other pieces of legislation labeled 'must' could be passed before adjournment.

Secondary Legislation.

Rivers and Harbors.

A huge rivers and harbors bill came before Congress for consideration. Calling for an appropriation of $640,253,200, the bill passed the House without too much difficulty, but the Senate was more cautious. Senator Taft pleaded for reduction as an economy measure, especially because of the heavy drains on the Treasury to be made by the foreign aid and military programs. He was joined by Senator Harry Byrd of Virginia, and Senator Clyde Reed of Kansas called the bill 'an outrageous pork barrel.' But Senator Chan Gurney of South Dakota raised his voice in favor, and the bill became law by an overwhelming voice vote.

Atomic Energy Commission.

Another piece of domestic legislation came before Congress when President Truman sent to the Senate his nominations for reappointment to the Atomic Energy Commission. The terms of the five members were due to expire Aug. 1. The chairman, David E. Lilienthal, was nominated for a term of five years, and the terms of the others were to be 'staggered' from one to four years. The President's recommendations were rejected by the Senate-House Atomic Energy Committee, but it approved a bill amending the Atomic Energy Act and extended the terms of the commissioners two years.

Other Measures.

Other pieces of domestic legislation were enacted meanwhile. An extension of one year was given to the Maritime Commission to charter and operate ships. An item of 606 million dollars for the Army's civil functions, including flood control and navigation projects, was approved, as well as a 503-million-dollar item for the State, Justice, and Commerce departments. The House also went along with the Senate in reducing the President's proposed budget 2.5 billion dollars. A 170,000-dollar appropriation was given to a new Senate investigating subcommittee headed by Homer Ferguson of Michigan.

Defeated Bills.

Two measures in which there was considerable public interest — federal aid to education and removal of the tax on margarine — met defeat. The butter lobby had long been a powerful force, seeking to keep margarine off the grocery shelves, but its power ultimately began to wane, especially when the southern and western states realized that the oils of cottonseed and soybeans could be used in its manufacture. Congressman L. Mendel Rivers introduced a bill for the repeal of the margarine tax. After much heated debate it passed the House, 260 to 106. In the Senate, Vandenberg tried to kill the bill by having it referred to a hostile committee, but the Senate checked this attempt by a 47 to 30 vote. Later in the session, however, the bill was virtually killed by the action of Senator Homer Ferguson of Michigan, who moved to add it as a rider to the civil rights program. This would have caused its defeat, but the Senate finally tabled the whole margarine tax repeal bill.

The Senate passed by a vote of 58 to 22 the bill providing for 300 million dollars to aid schools. Sponsored by the National Education Association, it had the backing of Senators Taft, Thomas of Utah, Ellender, Hill, Smith of New Jersey, Cooper, Chavez, Tobey, and others. The sum would be used for public elementary and secondary schools under complete state and local control. In the House the bill was supported by Edward McCowen of Ohio. It had the approval of the House Subcommittee on Education, but failed of passage.

Trade Agreements Act.

In the closing days of the session one of the bills marked for 'must' action was the Trade Agreements Act which Mr. Truman wanted Congress to extend until 1951 without change; but the House measure provided for drastic changes, which would put the Tariff Commission in a position to disapprove any tariff cut it felt detrimental to the welfare of American industry. If the President should try to make the cut anyway, Congress could intervene; furthermore, the House bill extended the act for one year only. There was heated debate on the bill. The Democratic Representative from Rhode Island, Aime Forand, charged the Republicans with attempting to 'sabotage' the world recovery program, and Secretary Marshall's objection was also expressed. After Harold Knutson of Minnesota supported the measure, it was passed by a strict party vote, 234 to 149. In the Senate, Vandenberg favored the principle of reciprocity, but he opposed the Congressional 'veto' on tariff cuts. His views were incorporated in the Vandenberg-Millikin compromise measure, but the bill, as finally passed by Congress, while extending the President's power to make reciprocal trade agreements for one year, actually authorized the Tariff Commission to determine how much rates could be cut without danger to domestic industry.

E.R.P. Appropriations.