1952: United States

A summary of the legislative, judicial, and political events of 1952 in the United States is presented below. Detailed articles on other aspects of the national scene and on the United States in world affairs appear under separate headings.

CONGRESS

Korea, corruption, and high taxes, as well as presidential politics, seemed to be the major issues facing the second session of the 82nd Congress, which convened on Jan. 8, 1952. House Speaker Sam Rayburn and Senate Majority Leader Ernest McFarland hoped the session would end before the two major parties held their presidential nominating conventions in July, but House Minority Leader Joe Martin believed Congress would have to recess for the conventions and return later to finish its business. On the eve of the Republican National Convention, the second session of the 82nd Congress worked feverishly to wind up its business and adjourn. Bills were pushed through with very little if any consideration or deliberation, and there was even fear that a special session would have to be called by the President. But this was found to be unnecessary. The session adjourned sine die on July 7.

The major accomplishments during the 1952 session were as follows: a $6-billion Mutual Security program; expansion of the Armed Forces with a budget of $46.6 billion; a $5.7-billion raise in taxes; extension of economic controls with weak provisions which were opposed by the President; the McCarran immigration law was passed over the President's veto; and Social Security old-age benefits and Armed Forces pay were increased. Peace treaties with West Germany and Japan were also ratified by the Senate. But the 82nd Congress failed to enact the following proposed legislation: universal military training; St. Lawrence seaway; and statehood for Alaska and Hawaii. No action was taken on such New-Fair Deal programs as civil rights, the Brannan farm plan, national health insurance, and the Taft-Hartley Act.

Between Jan. 8 and July 7, 1952, the Senate was in session for 651 hours on 115 days and the House was in session for 457 hours on 111 days. The Congressional Record had 9,850 pages of proceedings and an appendix of 4,747 pages. The Senate enacted 112 public and 251 private bills into law, and the House enacted 227 public and 361 private bills into law. A total of 2,332 measures were passed, of a total of 2,336 measures reported and 4,549 measures introduced. Of the 9 bills vetoed, I was overridden.

Personnel.

The 82nd Congress was nominally controlled by the Democratic majority, but it was actually run by a strong coalition of Republicans and southern Democrats, who had little sympathy toward President Truman's recommendations, most of which were weakened or ignored.

When the second session of the 82nd Congress convened, the Senate Republicans elected, by a vote of 26 to 15, Styles Bridges as their floor leader to succeed the late Kenneth Wherry of Nebraska. Bridges was opposed by Senator Leverett Saltonstall of Massachusetts, who remained as the party whip. The new House showed 231 Democrats, 201 Republicans, and 1 Independent, with 2 vacancies. In the Senate there were 50 Democrats and 46 Republicans.

The Truman Program.

State of the Union.

In his annual 'State of the Union' message to the second session, President Truman reviewed the domestic and foreign accomplishments of his Administration during 1951 and made numerous recommendations for future policy and action. He declared that Communist aggression had been halted in Asia and that a strong defense organization had been established in Europe. He praised the steps taken toward Pacific security and the great progress made in military production and in the enlargement of U.S. armed forces. The President cited, however, the ever-present danger of war and the economic difficulties facing Europe and the United States, especially along the lines of inflation. But he advanced a comprehensive program to strengthen the forces of freedom throughout the world. He urged the acceleration of the rearmament program, continued foreign aid, and more civil rights, but in general his former Fair Deal program was toned down.

Economic Report.

In his Economic Report, the President declared that production was expanding rapidly but that there still were bottlenecks. He urgently recommended that Congress make provision to eliminate loopholes in the tax system as well as to increase some of the taxes. He also asked Congress to enact more effective price and credit control laws. There was not much enthusiasm in Congress toward the message, especially from the Republicans and the southern Democrats.

Budget Message.

The 'price-of-peace' Budget Message, submitted to Congress by President Truman in January, called for an expenditure of $85.4 billion in the 1953 fiscal year, the largest peacetime budget in U.S. history. The total was $14.5 billion more than was expected to be spent during fiscal 1952, and $14.4 billion more than was expected to be raised in revenues under the current tax rates during the 1953 fiscal year. The budget provided for $51.2 billion for military, $10.8 billion for international, $4.2 for veterans, $6.2 billion for interest on the public debt, and $13 billion for all other items. The income for the year was estimated at $71 billion. In his earlier Economic Report, the President had called for $5 billion in new taxes to reduce the deficit. He predicted that the year 1952 would be a 'year of strain.'

Taxes.

Many Congressmen, including Senator Walter F. George of the Senate Finance Committee, immediately opposed any new taxes, and demanded that the budget be cut. Senator Harry F. Byrd proposed an $8.5 billion slash in the budget, 'without impairing a single essential function.' He deplored the President's apparent unwillingness to take the lead in demanding reductions of Federal spending at a time when military expenditures were being raised. He declared that the Federal budget was virtually out of control and that Congress should do everything possible to balance it, because further tax increases were out of the question and continued deficit financing would lead to national bankruptcy.

Investigations.

While Congress was struggling with the fiscal problems, it was also hampered by demands for various investigations into the conduct of certain high government officials. One of the first of the investigations ordered by the House in the Second Session was that involving Attorney General J. Howard McGrath and his management of the Department of Justice. A resolution by Representative Keating of New York, creating a special subcommittee to conduct the inquiry, was approved after the adoption of an amendment limiting the investigation to 'specific allegations and complaints based upon credible evidence — not mere suspicion and rumor.'

President Truman appointed Newbold Morris, a Republican from New York City, for the special job of investigating corruption in the Justice Department. At first Morris believed that McGrath and the President would give him a free hand in his job, and he promised that his investigations would be nonpolitical and would allow the chips to fall where they might. But some Republicans, including Taft and Nixon, could see nothing but a planned whitewash in the inquiry. The House Judiciary Committee carried on its own investigation of McGrath and the Justice Department. Morris himself became the object of scrutiny by Congress when his name was identified with a law firm that had arranged various ship deals and had collected fees totaling more than $100,000. The end of Morris' political career came quickly, and he was discharged by McGrath for insisting that several thousand high Federal officials, including McGrath and others in the Department of Justice, file statements about their private finances. Almost immediately, McGrath himself was fired by President Truman, who then appointed James P. McGranery to the position of Attorney General. The Senate confirmed the appointment 52 to 18.

Bureau of Internal Revenue.

The Internal Revenue Bureau was revamped considerably by Congress, acting on the suggestion of President Truman. The House by a voice vote approved the President's plan to overhaul the Bureau, but the Republican members warned that additional measures would be required to houseclean the scandal-shaken agency. Much stronger opposition was expected in the Senate, but it finally agreed to accept the plan after the President made an urgent plea for its adoption. He said that the Senate vote would demonstrate 'whether Senators are more interested in their political patronage than in good public service.' The final vote in the Senate was 53 to 37, with 30 Democrats and 23 Republicans voting for it, and 18 Democrats and 19 Republicans against it. The plan called for the abolishment of the nation's 64 politically appointed tax collectors, who were to be replaced by 25 district commissioners under the Civil Service. Only the bureau chief was to remain a presidential appointee.

Universal Military Training.

One of the most controversial subjects ever to come before Congress was that regarding universal military training (UMT). The House Committee on Armed Services voted 27 to 7 to report the bill, but there was no guarantee of its passage. The proposed legislation contained the recommendations of the National Security Training Commission providing for induction of eligible males upon reaching eighteen years of age into the ranks of the Security Training Corps for a period of six months. Following this period, the trainee would be liable for reserve duty for a period of 7½ years. The Senate Armed Services Committee approved nearly all the points in the House bill by a vote of 12 to 0, but it provided for the reduction of the armed services to 2 million men by the time some 4,500,000 UMT trainees had gone into the reserves.

The bill itself generally was supported by many newspapers, by all major veterans and military organizations, and, of course, by the Administration. Even General Eisenhower indicated his approval of the general principle of UMT. However, it was just as vociferously opposed by major farm organizations, the AF of L and the CIO, spokesmen for several religious groups, some societies of educators, as well as pacifist and left-wing groups. The bill was sidetracked when Chairman Russell of the Senate Armed Services Committee decided not to press for immediate Senate action and when the House, voting 236 to 162, decided to send the bill back to Committee for further study. Chairman Vinson said he would not call it up again during that session of Congress, but 'would try to put it over next year.'

Immigration Law.

One of the most important laws passed during the second session of the 82nd Congress was the McCarran Immigration Law, sponsored by Senator Pat McCarran. It passed the House 206 to 68. The measure, was based largely on the 1924 law, but it contained many new features, such as the deportation of criminals, removal of all bars on naturalization for Asiatics, and the establishment of special quotas for colonials.

A substitute bill was introduced in the Senate, however, by Herbert Lehman and Hubert Humphrey. This would have permitted larger quotas for southern and eastern Europe than the McCarran plan and would also have allowed a transfer of quotas from one country to another. This substitute was ultimately defeated by 51 to 27, and the Senate finally passed the McCarran version by a voice vote. President Truman, as was expected, vetoed the measure. He said the act 'would intensify the repressive and inhumane aspects of our immigration procedures.' But the House overrode the veto by 278 to 133, or 17 more than the two thirds required. The vote in the Senate was close, 57 to 26, just one more vote than was necessary to defeat the veto.

Tidelands.

Another very highly controversial measure had to do with the question of the tidelands oil fields. The Senate, by a roll-call vote of 50 to 35, approved legislation to give the states permanent ownership of submerged lands up to three miles off their coasts, with the Federal Government getting full title to all coastal lands. The House had passed a slightly different version earlier, by a vote of 265 to 109. In the Senate, 26 Republicans and 24 Democrats voted for the measure, and 24 Democrats and 11 Republicans opposed it. Senators Taft and Russell voted for the bill, and Senator Kefauver was against it. The House-Senate conferees finally agreed to the Senate version. The final vote in the House was 247 to 89, and in the Senate 50 to 35.

President Truman, however, vetoed the bill, as was not unexpected. His argument was that it would give a 'precious national heritage' to a few fortunately located states; but he said he was willing to compromise the stormy issue. Chairman Connally of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee announced immediately that he would vote and work to override the veto. House Speaker Sam Rayburn also disagreed with the President. Governor Allan Shivers of Texas declared that the veto was 'confirmation of the fact that the Truman Administration is determined to ride roughshod over the rights of the states.' But Congress failed to take action to override the veto before its adjournment.

Reconstruction Finance Corporation.

There was some danger during the session that Congress would take some steps which would eventually abolish the Reconstruction Finance Corporation. In fact, the Senate tentatively voted 42 to 37 to abolish it and to transfer some of its functions to other Government agencies. A total of 35 Republicans and 7 Democrats voted for the motion, and 32 Democrats and 5 Republicans opposed it. The action was later reversed, however, when a vote of 39 to 36 sent the bill back to the Senate Banking Committee, where it was pigeonholed for the session.

Highways.

Congress approved a bill authorizing Federal funds for highway construction. The Senate approved by a voice vote the bill authorizing $500 million in Federal aid in each of the next two fiscal years. Each state would be required to match the amount of aid it receives. The bill also authorized Federal expenditures of $251 million in each of the next two years for forest highways, park roads, parkways, and Indian roads. The House passed a similar, but slightly higher, bill, and the House-Senate conferees agreed on a $550 million figure.

St. Lawrence Seaway.

In a special message to Congress in January, President Truman again urged acceptance of the 1941 agreement between the United States and Canada regarding the building of a St. Lawrence seaway. He said the question was no longer whether the seaway should be built, but whether the United States 'shall participate in its construction and thus maintain joint operation and control over this development.' After a long agenda fight the seaway bill came up for Senate action, and it was almost immediately voted down. By a vote of 43 to 40, the Senate voted to recommit the bill for further study. The political parties were almost evenly divided, with 24 Democrats and 19 Republicans backing recommittal, and 24 Democrats and 16 Republicans opposed to pigeonholing the bill. More than half the votes against the seaway project came from the southern and Atlantic Seaboard states.

Alaska and Hawaii.

The perennial question of statehood for Alaska and Hawaii came up once more during this session, and again it was doomed when the Senate voted 45 to 44 to send the Alaskan bill back to the Interior Committee for further study, with instructions to consider commonwealth status for the northernmost U.S. territory as an alternative to statehood. An almost solid bloc of southern Democrats, aided by about half the Republicans, led the fight for the return of the bill to the committee. Republicans generally were in favor of statehood for Hawaii, which usually votes Republican, but have been split on Alaska, which generally votes Democratic.

Military Pay.

In spite of serious attempts to bring about economy in expenditures during the year, one of the first pieces of legislation passed by the second session in 1952 was the $832-million military pay-increase bill. The House approved the measure 269 to 89. In its original form it called for an increase in pay and certain allowances of members of the uniformed forces by 10 per cent. The House approved the measure in spite of very strong opposition by economy advocates in both parties.

At the same time, the Senate defeated a proposal to grant a $50.00 monthly combat bonus to officers and enlisted men fighting in Korea. The action was taken on a standing vote after Senator Paul Douglas, Democrat of Illinois, began a one-man economy drive by demanding cuts in existing military pay bonuses for fliers, men on hazardous duty, and those serving overseas.

Later, however, the Senate did approve, by voice vote, an average 5 per cent increase in pay and living allowances for members of the Armed Forces, after tacking on a $45 monthly bonus for Korean combat troops. The measure then went to a joint Senate-House Conference Committee to thresh out the differences, principally the flat 10 per cent increase in the House version. The compromise bill as finally approved called for a 4 per cent pay hike and a 14 per cent increase in allowances. The House finally approved the measure 333 to 0, and the Senate by voice vote.

GI Bill of Rights.

The House also passed by a 361 to 1 roll call vote a new GI Bill of Rights for men discharged from the armed services since the start of the Korean fighting. It provided education benefits for all such armed-forces personnel, whether they had served in the Korean theatre or not. Government payments were to be made directly to the veterans themselves for all tuition fees and costs of books and other education expenses, as well as their personal subsistence payments. It was estimated that the program would cost $1 billion a year. The Senate passed the measure by unanimous voice vote.

Foreign Aid.

President Truman in March sent Congress a special message asking a $7.9 billion foreign-aid appropriation for the fiscal year. Approximately 74 per cent of the aid was earmarked for Europe, with $4 billion in 'direct military' aid and another $1.8 billion in 'defense support' aid. The Near East and Africa were to receive $606 million in direct military aid (especially Greece and Turkey), and $196 million in economic and technical aid. Asia and the Pacific area were to get $611 million in military aid and $408 million in economic and technical aid. Latin America was to receive $62 million in military aid and $22 million in economic and technical assistance. The balance of approximately $105 million was to be used for administrative expenses and incidental costs of the program.

Senator Connally of Texas lashed out in angry protest against the size of the program. He said the United States 'can't go on forever appropriating large sums of money' to foreign nations. He felt the United States was under no obligation to do so. But W. Averell Harriman, Mutual Security Administrator, regarded the amounts provided in the program as 'on the low side.' The two men bitterly presented their views before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. The Republican Party leaders themselves seemed to be of considerable difference of opinion as to the proposed cuts in the foreign-aid bill. Eisenhower declared that any cuts greater than a billion dollars would endanger the proposed military build-up and security of the United States, while Senator Taft thought that a reduction of $1.9 billion would in no way endanger the security of the country. Senate and House committees cut the bill by a billion dollars, which seemed to be accepted by the Administration; but when the bill came up for debate on the House floor, the pro-Taft men were in control, and they pushed through amendments to cut another $726,500,000. The vote for the cut was 160 Republicans and 61 Democrats, as against 10 Republicans and 127 Democrats opposing the cuts.